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"The Seizure of Power by Armed Force, the Settlement of the Issue by War, Is the Central Task and the Highest Form of Revolution." Mao
Revolutionary Worker 10-17-99 Page9
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" the most normal order in history is Revolutionary order."
Lenin
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Best Nucleus for Infinite Revolutionary Communism
orthtarompass - Home Page [Brother Stalin, USSR, Etc.]
Ask Michael-Banned from the U$A, Your Political Questions
(416)977-5819/Fax (416)593-0781
Northstar Compass/280 Queen Street West/Toronto, Ont. M5V 2A1 CANADA
Audios/Videos-Including Original USSR, Etc./Books/Monthly Magazine
NORTHSTAR COMPASS MEDIA CATALOG
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CLICK HERE TO PLAY & DOWNLOAD COMREV MUSIC -3mb
LENIN & RUSSIAN REVOLUTION PAGES
Who Killed Martin Luther King Jr.?
Sinister Scenarios, Etc. Behind the Media Lies About Mumia
LEONARD PELTIER, WTO, KLAN, ETC.)
MIM, CPUSA, WW, PLP(U$ PRISONS) PAGE
Why Socialism? by Albert Einstein
u.$ DAMAGES
YUGOSLAVIA & WACO -SECOND PAGE
PALESTINE
KOREA , BLACK & NATIVE -SIXTH PAGE
u.$ Anti-Socialism in Lebanon & Grenada, ART ETC
u.$ Anti-Socialism in Panama, Nicaragua, Etc.
__________________________________________________________________________________________________
THIS PAGE INDEX
J. V. Stalin
LIES CONCERNING THE HISTORY OF THE SOVIET UNION
Squanto & the First Thanksgiving
THE REVOLUTIONARY ALMANAC 1914
Brother Jonathan
SOCIALIST ECONOMICS IN DIALOGUE
Greensboro, NC Massacre of The Communist Workers Party
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HOT LINKS
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KOMINFORM
P.O. Box 66
00841 Helsinki - Finland
+358-40-7177941, fax +358-9-7591081
e-mail sipila@kominf.pp.fi
http://www.kominf.pp.fi
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COMUNISTES de CATALUNYA/Contracorriente
RCP (Revolutionary Worker Online)
Music Index for the Cyber-USSR
Maoist Internationalist Movement
International hymn for all Workers of the World
Colombian Labor Monitor - clm@prairienet.org
International Solidarity with Workers in Russia
30 Kampflieder der 68er Revolution
The Revolution led by the Communist Party of Peru
YuEco - Yugoslav Ecology Internet Information Service
Partit Dels Comunistes de Catalunya
GRANMA INTERNACIONAL DIGITAL,CUBA
Danmarks Kommunistiske Parti ML
International Action Center- San Francisco
leftbooks.com--the people's resource for progressive a
Revolution the intellectual bases
Additional Communist Resources
More Communist & Worker Parties
Other Socialist Resource Pages
New Communist Party of Britain Homepage
Manifest v/d Communistische Partij NCPN
Russian Communist Party(KPRF). Leningrad region.
Revolucionarni pokret Tupak Amaru - MRTA
GRANMA INTERNACIONAL DIGITAL,CUBA-English
MUNKÁSPÁRT(HungarianWorlers'Party)
SUPPORT THE KURTULUS!(Liberation paper-Turkey)
KNE index page(CommunistYouthofGreece)
DKP Krefeld/Viersen(German Communist Party)
DKP: Unsere internationalen Kontakte
DHKP-C: The Revolutionary Peoples Liberation Struggle in Turkey
KSÈM(Communist Party of Bohemia & Moravia)
Chinese Communist Party (Opens Its 15th National Congress)
The Left in Luxembourg / Die Linke in Luxemburg / La Gauche au Luxembourg
RedNet News - News from the World Communist Press
Proletärer i alla länder, förena er
The Bethune Institute for Anti-Fascist Studies
The Marx/Engels Internet Archive
Chinese,Soviet,Cuban,Etc.RevolutionaryPosters
International Action Center (Iraq,Mumia,Etc.)
Campaign Against Racism and Fascism
Union Songs & Union Ring Access
(North) Korean Central News Agency
Communist Party of the Philippines
Afghanistan Liberation Organization(ALO)
STRUGGLE In TURKEY & KURDISTAN
PCB(Communist Party Brazil)Links
Valencian Country Communist Party
New Communist Party of Yugoslavia and League of Yugoslav communist Youth
Nova komunisticka partija Jugoslavije - Linkovi
YuEco - Yugoslav Ecology Information Service
Socialist Labor Party of America (Publisher of -The People-)
Manifest v_d Communistische Partij NCPN
CSRP: Crimes of the US-Backed Fujimori Regime
Documentos de ESPAÑA ROJA sobre YUGOSLAVIA
League of Revolutionaries for a New America
Institute for Global Communications
Multinational Monitor -Resources-
The National Security Archive (commercial)
Covert Action Quarterly (commercial)
The Life
and Unsolved Murder of
Presidential Mistress Mary Meyer, by Nina Burleigh
The Second Assassination of JFK
UFW Other Interesting Web Sites
The Nation. Unconventional Wisdom Since 1865.
Program on Corporations, Law and Democracy
SWP (Publisher of the Militant)
IWW (Industrial Workers of the World)
Industrial Worker -Search the Newspaper
__________________________________________________________________________________________
COMMUNIST AND WORKERS PARTIES AND MOVEMENTS
COMMUNIST PARTY OF ALBANIA
code:(+35542) fax:33164, 60928, 51271
ALGERIAN PARTY FOR DEMOCRACY AND SOCIALISM
code:(+331) phone:46637607 46772082 fax:42537882 46637607
ARGENTINE COMMUNIST PARTY
E-Mail: central@pca.org.ar
code:(+5411) phone:4304-0066/0068 fax:3066149 30400066-68
COMMUNIST PARTY OF ARMENIA
code:(+3742) phone:567933 fax:523506
COMMUNIST PARTY OF AUSTRALIA
http://www.cpa.org.au
E-Mail: cpa@cpa.org.au, guardian@peg.apc.org
code:(+612) phone:92126855 fax:92815795
COMMUNIST PARTY OF AUSTRIA
http://members.magnet.at/users/l.furtlehner/
E-Mail: kjoe@magnet.at
code:(+431) phone:5036580 fax5036580-499-411
COMMUNIST PARTY OF AZERBAIDJAN
code:(+99412) phone:948937 fax:948937
BAHRAIN NLF BAHREIN PF BAHREIN
code:(+96311) (+96311) phone:6712875 3324930 5127345 fax:6712875 3324930 5127345
COMMUNIST PARTY OF BANGLADESH
E-Mail: manzur@bangla.net
code:(+8802) phone:9558612 9554703 fax:837464
COMMUNIST PARTY OF BELARUS
code:(+37512) phone:394611 fax:206850
COMMUNIST PARTY OF BELGIUM
E-Mail: parti.communiste@kynet.be
code:(+322) phone:5480290 fax:5480295
WORKERS' PARTY OF BELGIUM
http://www.wpb.be
E-Mail: wpb@wpb.be, ptb@ptb.be
code:(+322) phone:5137760 fax:5139831
COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOHEMIA AND MORAVIA
http://www.kscm.cz
E-Mail: leftnews@kscm.cz, cpcm@kscm.cz, exner@psp.cz
code:(+4202) phone:22897111 fax:22897207-261487
COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOLIVIA
code:(+591) phone:361545
BRAZILIAN COMMUNIST PARTY
http://www.pcb.org.br
code:(+5511) phone:2835431
COMMUNIST PARTY OF BRAZIL
http://www.pcdob.org.br
E-Mail: pcdobcc@uol.com.br, lideranca@pcdob.org.br
code:(+5511) phone:2321622 fax:6064104
COMMUNIST PARTY OF BRITAIN
http://www.communist-party.org.uk
E-Mail: KENNY.COYLE@MCR1.poptel.org.uk
code:(+44171) phone:2758162 25400033 fax:2499188
NEW COMMUNIST PARTY OF BRITAIN
http://www.newcommunistparty.org.uk
E-Mail: party@ncp.clara.net
code:(+44171) phone:2234050 fax:2234057
SOCIALIST LABOUR PARTY
code:(+44171) phone:2631021 fax:26311021
MARXIST PLATFORM OF BULGARIAN SOCIALIST PARTY
code:(+3592) phone:621255 fax:9811788
BULGARIAN COMMUNIST PARTY "GEORGY DIMITROV"
code:(+3592) phone:9744135 fax:766692
COMMUNIST PARTY OF BULGARIA
code:(+3592) phone:9200950 fax:9200950
COMMUNIST PARTY OF CANADA
http://www.communist-party.ca
E-Mail: pvoice@web.net
code:(+416) phone:4692446 fax:4694063
COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHILE
http://www.georetown.edu/LatAmerPolitical/Parties/
Resumen/Chile/desc.html#pcc
code:(+562) phone:6959234 6958368 6954791 fax:6951150
COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA
http://www.nyconsulate.prchina.org/news/CommunistPartyChina.html
code:(+8610) fax:68512902
COLOMBIAN COMMUNIST PARTY
http://www.go.to/voz/
E-Mail: paco@col1.telecom.co
code:(+4122) phone:7388481 fax:7388481
COMMUNIST PARTY OF CUBA
http://www.ceniai.inf.cu/pcc/pg_intermedia.html
E-Mail: correo@rein.ccpee.cma.get.cu
code:(+537) phone:817023 815923 790504 796511-20 fax:335110
THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY OF THE WORKING PEOPLE - AKEL,Cyprus
http://www.akel.org.cy
E-Mail: InterBureau@akel.org.cy
code:(+3572) phone:761121 fax:761574
COMMUNIST PARTY IN DENMARK
http://www.kpid.dk
E-Mail: kpid@kpid.dk
code:(+45) phone:38882833 fax:38882433
COMMUNIST PARTY OF DENMARK
code:(+45) fax:33320372
RED-GREEN ALLIANCE-DENMARK
http://www.enhedslisten.dk
E-Mail: landskontoter@enhedslisten.dk
code:(+45) phone:33933324 fax:33320372
COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
http://www.civila.com/en-marcha/PCML.htm
COMMUNIST PARTY OF EGYPT
code:(+202) fax:5786298
AL TAGAMU AL WATANI AL TAGANUM, EGYPT
code:(+202) phone:5759152 5759281 fax:5750488
COMMUNIST PARTY OF EQUADOR
code:(+593-2) phone:229660 fax:229660
COMMUNIST PARTY OF FINLAND
http://www.skp.fi
E-Mail: skp@skp.fi, kommuor@dlc.fi
code:(+3589) phone:58400350 fax:1463520 58400355
FRENCH COMMUNIST PARTY
http://www.pcf.fr/
E-Mail: pcf@pcf.fr, cncpf@pratique.fr
code:(+331) phone:40401291 fax:42404027 40401356
UNION OF COMMUNISTS MACEDONIA, FYROM
code:(+389901) phone:412032 fax:20808
GERMAN COMMUNIST PARTY (DKP)
http://www.dkp.de
E-Mail: dkp.munich.Im@t-online.de, dkp.pv@t-online.de
code:(+49201) phone:225148,49 fax:202467
PARTY OF DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM
code:(+4930) phone:24009426 24009286 fax:24009425
UNIFIED COMMUNIST PARTY OF GRUZIA
code:(+7095) (+99532) phone:3195947 233772
COMMUNIST PARTY OF GREECE
http://www.kke.gr
E-Mail: cpg@kke.gr
code:(+301) phone:2592111 fax:2592298 2592286
GUADELOUPEAN COMMUNIST PARTY
code:(+590) phone:821945 fax:836990
HUNGARIAN WORKERS' PARTY
http://www.munkaspart.hu
E-Mail: mp100@mail.ps.hu
code:(+361) phone:3342721 fax:3135423
COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA
E-Mail: cpindia@del3.vsnl.net.in
code:(+9111) phone:3235546 3235058 3235099 fax:3235543
COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA (MARXIST)
http://wwwdel.vsnl.net.in/cpim/
E-Mail: cpim@giasd101.vsnl.net.in
code:(+9111) phone:3364165(3747435-6 3344918 3363692) fax:3747483
TUDEH PARTY OF IRAN
http://www.demon.co.uk/mardom/tudeh.htm
E-Mail: TPI@Mardom.Demon.Co.UK
code:(+44181)(+44191) phone:3922653 2587411 fax:3922653 2964382
Berlin:3241627 London:(181)3922653
IRAQI COMMUNIST PARTY
http://www.iraqicp.org , iraqicp.org
code:(=96311) (+44171) (+44127) phone:4449724 419255 9300839 fax:4449724 4192552 9300839
THE WORKERS' PARTY OF IRELAND
http://www.workers-party.org
E-Mail: wpc@indigo.ir, info@workers-party.org
code:(+3531) phone:8740716 fax:8748702
COMMUNIST PARTY OF IRELAND
http://www.smo.uhi.ac.uk/~smacsuib/
COMMUNIST PARTY OF ISRAEL
http://www.maki.org.il
E-Mail: hlebr@compuserve.com
code:(+9723) phone:6835252 fax:6824499
ITALIAN COMMUNISTS
http://www.comunisti-italiani.it
code:(+3906) phone:67608755 fax:67608472
PARTY OF THE COMMUNIST REFOUNDING,Italy
http://www.rifondazione.it/
E-mail: esteri.prc@rifondazione.it
code:(+3906) phone:441821 fax:4423490
JAPANESE COMMUNIST PARTY
http://www.jcp.or.jp
E-Mail: jpspress@twics.com, jcpccint@mb.infoweb.or.jp
code:(+813) phone:54748421 fax:37460767
JORDANIAN COMMUNIST PARTY
code:(+9626) phone:4624939 fax:4624939
PARTY OF THE COMMUNISTS OF KIRGIZIA
code:(+73312) phone:270497 fax:223991
WORKERS PARTY OF KOREA
http://www.kimsoft.com/dprk.htm
code:(+331) phone:47475415 fax:47476008
COMMUNIST PARTY OF KURDISTAN
code:(+4131) phone:3719612 fax:3719628
LEBANESE COMMUNIST PARTY
http: www.communistparty-lb.org
E-mail: lcparty@inco.com.lb
code:(+9611) (+331) phone:739615-17 48952416 fax:739615-17 48954560
COMMUNIST PARTY OF LUXEMBOURG
http://ourworld.compuserve.com/homepages/kpllux/
E-Mail: 101732.2677@compuserve.com
code:(+352) fax:496920
COMMUNIST PARTY OF MALTA
code:(+356) phone:232311 336749
PARTY OF THE PROGRESS AND SOCIALISM, MAROCCO
code:(+2127) phone:208672 208673 fax:208674
POPULAR SOCIALIST PARTY OF MEXICO
http://www.pps.org.mx
E-Mail: amezcua@data.net.mx
code:(+525) phone:5330816-18 5331586 fax:5330816 5422031 5257131
PARTY OF COMMUNISTS OF REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA
code:(+3732) phone:237651 233673 fax:233673
COMMUNIST PARTY OF NEPAL
http://www.cpnuml.org
E-mail: uml@mos.com.np, jantare@info.com.np
code:(+9771) phone:278081-3 2310-12 fax:278084
NEW COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE NETHERLANDS
http://www.ncpn.nl
E-Mail: 106057.1021@compuserve.com
code:(+3120) phone:6825019 fax:6828276
SOCIALIST PARTY OF THE NETHERLANDS
code:(+3110) fax:2435566
COMMUNIST PARTY OF NORWAY
http://www.nkp.no,
In english: http://www.nkp.no/e-index.html
E-Mail: nkpseutr@online.no, nkp@nkp.no
code:(+4722) fax:717907
PALESTINIAN COMMUNIST PARTY
code:(+9729) phone:2372323 fax:2372323
PALESTINIAN PEOPLES PARTY
http://www.palpeople.org
E-Mail: shall@palpeople.org
code:(+9722) phone:2960104 fax:2960640
POPULAR FRONT OF LIBERATION OF PALESTINE
code:(+96311) phone:3324987 3334922 fax:4457458
DEMOCRATIC FRONT OF LIBERATION OF PALESTINE
code:(+96311) phone:4448993 4440148 fax:4442380
COMMUNIST PARTY OF PARAGUAY
code:(+59521) phone:225116 fax:225116
PERUAN COMMUNIST PARTY
code:(+5114) (+49202) phone:8777897 fax:3306106 3720260 8777897
PHILIPPINE COMMUNIST PARTY PKP-1930
code:(+632) phone:9200596 fax:9395791
COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE PHILIPPINES
http://www.ndfp.cjb.net
E-Mail: ndf@easema.net
code:(+31-30) phone:2310431 fax:2322989
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC FRONT OF THE PHILIPPINES (NDFP)
code:(+31-30) phone:2310431 fax:2322989
UNION OF POLISH COMMUNISTS PROLETARIAN
code:(+4871) phone:608759 fax:3640613
PORTUGUESE COMMUNIST PARTY
http://www.pcp.pt/pcp
E-Mail: pcp.dep@mail.telepac.pt
code:(+35121) phone:7813800 fax:7969824
ROMANIAN COMMUNIST PARTY
code:(+401) phone:6873007
SOCIALIST WORKERS' PARTY OF ROMANIA
code:(+401) phone:3120323 fax:3120323
UNION OF COMMUNIST PARTIES-CPSU
code:(+7095) phone:2789945 fax:2783139
COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION (KPRF)
http://www.kprf.ru
E-Mail: kprf@dol.ru
code:(+7095) phone:2927740 2928742 fax:2068751 2929050 2925685
COMMUNIST WORKERS PARTY OF RUSSIA (RKRP)
http://www-win.convey.ru/~RKRP/
E-Mail: ochakov@pop.convey.ru
code:(+7812) phone:2742772 2742818 2925543(code:+7095) fax:2766694 2923744
COMMUNIST PARTY OF SLOVAKIA
http://www.kscm.cz/cps/index.htm
code:(+4217) phone:44372540 5851230 fax:44372540 5822692
SOUTH AFRICAN COMMUNIST PARTY
http://www.sacp.org.za
E-Mail: sacp1@wn.apc.org, sacp@wn.apc.org
code:(+2711) phone:3393621/2 (3393633,4) fax:3394244 3396880
AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS,South Africa
http://www.anc.org.za
E-Mail: anchq@anc.org.za, sbooley@anc.za, andia@anc.org.za, xmayisela@anc.org.za
code:(+2711) fax:3334509
COMMUNIST PARTY OF SPAIN
http://www.pce.es
E-Mail: internacional@pce.es, comite federal@pce.es
code:(+3491) phone:3004969 fax:3004744
Party of the Communists of Catalunia
http://www.pcc.es
E-Mail: pcc@redestb.es
code:(+3493) phone:3183940 3184512 3184958 fax:3184835
UNITED LEFT SPAIN
E-Mail: comunic@federal.izquierda-unida.es
code:(+3491) phone:3003233 fax:3880405
COMMUNISTPARTY OF SRI-LANKA
code:(+941) phone:694945 fax:691610
SUDANESE COMMUNIST PARTY
code:(+4202) (+202) phone:7918000 4017247 fax:7918000 4017247
COMMUNIST PARTY OF SWEDEN
http://www.skp.se
E-Mail: skp@skp.se
code:(+468) phone:08-7358640 fax:7357907-7357902
LEFT PARTY, SWEDEN
code:(+468) phone:6505151 fax:6532385
WORKERS PARTY OF SWITZERLAND
http://www.planet.ch/~pst
code:(+4122) (+411) fax:3222295 2420858
SYRIAN COMMUNIST PARTY
code:(+96311) phone:4455048 fax:4422716
SYRIAN COMMUNIST PARTY
code:(+96311) phone:4410264 fax:4422383
COMMUNIST PARTY OF TADJIKISTAN
code:(+73772) phone:232953 231853 362990 fax:363977 276447
FREEDOM AND SOLIDARITY PARTY (ODP), TURKEY
E-Mail: ozgurluk@odp.org.tr
code:(+90212) (+90312) phone:2527641/2 fax:433734 2527640231,3312
THE PARTY OF LABOUR,(EMEP), TURKEY
http://www.emep.org
code:(+90312) (+90212) phone:3719612 fax:3719628
SOCIALIST UNITY PARTY
code:(+90312) phone:2299706 fax:2299706
COMMUNIST PARTY OF UKRAINE
E-Mail: tereschuk@alpha.rada.kiev.ua
code:(+38044) phone:2262297 4165487 2930424 fax:4163137 2930422 2262297
UNION OF COMMUNISTS OF UKRAINE
code:(+38044) phone:2906225 fax:2633032
COMMUNIST PARTY OF URUGUAY
E-Mail: arismen@pl.parlamento.gub.uy
code:(+5982) phone:947056 942697 fax:947056
COMMUNIST PARTY,USA
http://www.hartford-hwp.com/cp-usa/
E-Mail: CPUSA@rednet.org
code:(+1212) phone:9894994 fax:2291713
COMMUNIST PARTY OF VENEZUELA
E-Mail: carulus@cantv.net
code:(+582) phone:4840061 8727712
COMMUNIST PARTY OF VIETNAM
http://www.cs.ait.ac.th/vninfo/cpv.html
E-Mail: INCOME.HANOI@bdvn.vnmail.vnd.net
code:(+844) phone:231472 234514 fax:8234514
YEMEN SOCIALIST PARTY
code:(+96311) phone:6112033 fax:6112033
NEW COMMUNIST PARTY OF YUGOSLAVIA
code:(+38111) phone:642985 fax:467867
YUGOSLAV LEFT(JUL)
http://www.beograd.com/jul
code:(+38111) phone:751336 fax:7632285
THE YUGOSLAV COMMUNISTS
code:(+38111) phone:657073 fax:658940
TRADE UNIONS
CYBER PICKET LINE
http://www.cf.ac.uk/ccin/union/
LABORNET
http://www.igc.apc.org/labornet
WORKERS ON THE WWW
http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/5202/workerweb.htm
WORKERS WORLD
http://www.workers.org
NEWSPAPERS, MAGAZINES AND REVIEWS OF COMMUNIST AND WORKERS PARTIES
GUARDIAN (Australia)
http://www.peg.apc.org/~guardian
MORNING STAR (Britain)
http://www.poptel.org.uk/morning-star
PEOPLE'S VOICE (Canada, English)
http://www.communist-party.ca/english/PV/
pv.htm
GRANMA INTERNATIONAL (Cuba)
http://www.granma.cu/index.html
L'HUMANITE (France)
http://www.humanite.presse.fr
RIZOSPASTIS (Greece,Greek)
http://www.rizospastis.gr
PEOPLE'S DEMOCRACY (India)
http://www.del.vsnl.net.in/cpim/pd.htm
PRAJASAKTHI (India)
http://www.prajasakthi.org.in
LIBERATIONE (Italy)
http://www.rifondazione.it
La Rinascita della sinistra(Italy)
http://www.larinascita.net
AVANTE (Portugal,Portuguese)
http://www.pcp.pt/avante/avante.html
PRAVDA ROSSII (Russia)
http://www.kprf.ru/cmi/pravda.htm
TROUDOVAGIA RUSSIA (Russia)
http://www-win.convey.ru/~RKRP/period/tr/tr.html
USVIT (Slovakia)
http://www.jhm.sk/usvit/usvuv.htm
AFRICAN COMMUNIST (South Africa)
http://www.sacp.org.za/ac
UMSEBENZI (South Africa)
http://www.sacp.org.za/umsebenzi
NEW EVRENSEL (Turkey)
http://www.evrensel.net
PEOPLE'S WEEKLY WORLD (USA)
http://www.hartford-hwp.com/cp-usa/pww.html
POLITICAL AFFAIRS (USA)
http://www.hartford-hwp.com/cp-usa/pa.html
LEFT NEWS (Varia, Czech Rep., English)
http://www.kscm.cz
NHAN DAN (Vietnam, English)
http://www.nhandan.org.vn
OTHER INTERNET RESOURCES
COMINTERNET
http://www.angelfire.com/la/cominternet/
COMMUNIST MANIFESTO
http://www.hartford-hwp.com/cp-usa/manifesto.html
DIMITROV INTERNET ARCHIVE
http://csf.Colorado.EDU/psn/marx/Other/Dimitrov
LENIN INTERNET ARCHIVE
http://www.marx.org/Lenin
MARX ENGELS INTERNET ARCHIVE
http://www.marx.org
REDNET
http://www.rednet.org
THE INTERNET PHOTO ARCHIVE
LENIN
http://www.marx.org/Lenin/Photo
MARX - ENGELS
http://www.marx.org/Bio/Photo
From:
Also on their site are:
_________________________________________________________________________________________
International Institute of the Juche Idea
Democratic People´s Republic of Korea
The Group for Marxist Propaganda
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Speech Delivered at the Plenum of
the Communist Group in the A.U.C.C.T.U.,
November 19, 1924
Pravda, No. 269,
November 26, 1924
From J. V. Stalin, On the Opposition,
Foreign Languages Press, Peking, 1974
pp. 105-38.
Based on J. V. Stalin, Works,
Foreign Languages Publishing House,
Moscow, 1953
Vol. 6, pp. 338-73.
Prepared © for the Internet by David J.
Romagnolo, djr@cruzio.com (June 1997)
PUBLISHER'S NOTE
The articles and speeches by J. V. Stalin contained in English edition of On the Opposition follow the order of the Russian edition put out by the State Publishing House of the Soviet Union in 1928. The English translation, including the notes at the end of the book, is taken from Stalin's Works, Vols. 5-10, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1953-54, with some technical changes.
References in Roman numerals to Lenin's Works mentioned in the text are to the third Russian edition. The English references are indicated by the publisher in footnotes.
| TROTSKYISM OR LENINISM? |
|||
| The Facts About the October Uprising The Party and the Preparation for October Trotskyism or Leninism? |
105 |
||
| NOTES | |||
page 105
Speech Delivered at the Plenum
of the Communist Group in the A.U.C.C.T.U.
November 19, 1924
Comrades, after Kamenev's comprehensive report there is little left for me to say. I shall therefore confine myself to exposing certain legends that are being spread by Trotsky and his supporters about the October uprising, about Trotsky's role in the uprising, about the Party and the preparation for October, and so forth. I shall also touch upon Trotskyism as a peculiar ideology that is incompatible with Leninism, and upon the Party's tasks in connection with Trotsky's latest literary pronouncements.
THE FACTS ABOUT THE OCTOBER UPRISING
First of all about the October uprising. Rumours are being vigorously spread among members of the Party that the Cen-
page 106
tral Committee as a whole was opposed to an uprising in October 1917. The usual story is that on October 10, when the Central Committee adopted the decision to organise the uprising, the majority of the Central Committee at first spoke against an uprising, but, so the story runs, at that moment a worker burst in on the meeting of the Central Committee and said: "You are deciding against an uprising, but I tell you that there will be an uprising all the same, in spite of everything." And so, after that threat, the story runs, the Central Committee, which is alleged to have become frightened, raised the question of an uprising afresh and adopted a decision to organise it.
This is not merely a rumour, comrades. It is related by the well-known John Reed in his book Ten Days. Reed was remote from our Party and, of course, could not know the history of our secret meeting on October 10, and, consequently, he was taken in by the gossip spread by people like Sukhanov. This story was later passed round and repeated in a number of pamphlets written by Trotskyites, including one of the latest pamphlets on October written by Syrkin. These rumours have been strongly supported in Trotsky's latest literary pronouncements.
It scarcely needs proof that all these and similar "Arabian Nights" fairy tales are not in accordance with the truth, that in fact nothing of the kind happened, nor could have happened, at the meeting of the Central Committee. Consequently, we could ignore these absurd rumours; after all, lots of rumours are fabricated in the office rooms of the oppositionists or those who are remote from the Party. Indeed, we have ignored them till now; for example, we paid no attention to John Reed's mistakes and did not take the trouble to rectify them. After Trotsky's latest pronouncements, however, it is no longer pos-
page 107
sible to ignore such legends, for attempts are being made now to bring up our young people on them and, unfortunately, some results have already been achieved in this respect. In view of this, I must counter these absurd rumours with the actual facts.
I take the minutes of the meeting of the Central Committee of our Party on October 10 (23), 1917. Present: Lenin, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Stalin, Trotsky, Sverdlov, Uritsky, Dzerzhinsky, Kollontai, Bubnov, Sokolnikov, Lomov. The question of the current situation and the uprising was discussed. After the discussion, Comrade Lenin's resolution on the uprising was put to the vote. The resolution was adopted by a majority of 10 against 2. Clear, one would think: by a majority of 10 against 2, the Central Committee decided to proceed with the immediate, practical work of organising the uprising. At this very same meeting the Central Committee elected a political centre to direct the uprising; this centre, called the Political Bureau, consisted of Lenin, Zinoviev, Stalin, Kamenev, Trotsky, Sokolnikov and Bubnov.
Such are the facts.
These minutes at one stroke destroy several legends. They destroy the legend that the majority on the Central Committee was opposed to an uprising. They also destroy the legend that on the question of the uprising the Central Committee was on the verge of a split. It is clear from the minutes that the opponents of an immediate uprising -- Kamenev and Zinoviev -- were elected to the body that was to exercise political direction of the uprising on a par with those who were in favour of an uprising. There was no question of a split, nor could there be.
Trotsky asserts that in October our Party had a Right wing in the persons of Kamenev and Zinoviev, who, he says, were almost Social-Democrats. What one cannot understand then
page 108
is how, under those circumstances, it could happen that the Party avoided a split; how it could happen that the disagreements with Kamenev and Zinoviev lasted only a few days; how it could happen that, in spite of those disagreements, the Party appointed these comrades to highly important posts, elected them to the political centre of the uprising, and so forth. Lenin's implacable attitude towards Social-Democrats is sufficiently well known in the Party; the Party knows that Lenin would not for a single moment have agreed to have Social-Democratically-minded comrades in the Party, let alone in highly important posts. How, then, are we to explain the fact that the Party avoided a split? The explanation is that in spite of the disagreements, these comrades were old Bolsheviks who stood on the common ground of Bolshevism. What was that common ground? Unity of views on the fundamental questions: the character of the Russian revolution, the driving forces of the revolution, the role of the peasantry, the principles of Party leadership, and so forth. Had there not been this common ground, a split would have been inevitable. There was no split, and the disagreements lasted only a few days, because, and only because, Kamenev and Zinoviev were Leninists, Bolsheviks.
Let us now pass to the legend about Trotsky's special role in the October uprising. The Trotskyites are vigorously spreading rumours that Trotsky inspired and was the sole leader of the October uprising. These rumours are being spread with exceptional zeal by the so-called editor of Trotsky's works, Lentsner. Trotsky himself, by consistently avoiding mention of the Party, the Central Committee and the Petrograd Committee of the Party, by saying nothing about the leading role of these organisations in the uprising and vigorously pushing himself forward as the central figure in the October uprising,
page 109
voluntarily or involuntarily helps to spread the rumours about the special role he is supposed to have played in the uprising. I am far from denying Trotsky's undoubtedly important role in the uprising. I must say, however, that Trotsky did not play any special role in the October uprising, nor could he do so; being chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, he merely carried out the will of the appropriate Party bodies, which directed every step that Trotsky took. To philistines like Sukhanov, all this may seem strange, but the facts, the true facts, wholly and fully confirm what I say.
Let us take the minutes of the next meeting of the Central Committee, the one held on October 16 (29),1917. Present: the members of the Central Committee, plus representatives of the Petrograd Committee, plus representatives of the military organisation, factory committees, trade unions and the railwaymen. Among those present, besides the members of the Central Committee, were: Krylenko, Shotman, Kalinin, Volodarsky, Shlyapnikov, Lacis, and others, twenty-five in all. The question of the uprising was discussed from the purely practical-organisational aspect. Lenin's resolution on the uprising was adopted by a majority of 20 against 2, three abstaining. A practical centre was elected for the organisational leadership of the uprising. Who was elected to this centre? The following five: Sverdlov, Stalin, Dzerzhinsky, Bubnov, Uritsky. The functions of the practical centre: to direct all the practical organs of the uprising in conformity with the directives of the Central Committee. Thus, as you see, something "terrible" happened at this meeting of the Central Committee, i.e., "strange to relate," the "inspirer," the "chief figure," the "sole leader" of the uprising, Trotsky, was not elected to the practical centre, which was called upon to direct the uprising. How is this to be reconciled with the
page 110
current opinion about Trotsky's special role? Is not all this somewhat "strange," as Sukhanov, or the Trotskyites, would say? And yet, strictly speaking, there is nothing strange about it, for neither in the Party, nor in the October uprising, did Trotsky play any special role, nor could he do so, for he was a relatively new man in our Party in the period of October. He, like all the responsible workers, merely carried out the will of the Central Committee and of its organs. Whoever is familiar with the mechanics of Bolshevik Party leadership will have no difficulty in understanding that it could not be otherwise: it would have been enough for Trotsky to have gone against the will of the Central Committee to have been deprived of influence on the course of events. This talk about Trotsky's special role is a legend that is being spread by obliging "Party" gossips.
This, of course, does not mean that the October uprising did not have its inspirer. It did have its inspirer and leader, but this was Lenin, and none other than Lenin, that same Lenin whose resolutions the Central Committee adopted when deciding the question of the uprising, that same Lenin who, in spite of what Trotsky says, was not prevented by being in hiding from being the actual inspirer of the uprising. It is foolish and ridiculous to attempt now, by gossip about Lenin having been in hiding, to obscure the indubitable fact that the inspirer of the uprising was the leader of the Party, V. I. Lenin.
Such are the facts.
Granted, we are told, but it cannot be denied that Trotsky fought well in the period of October. Yes, that is true, Trotsky did, indeed, fight well in October; but Trotsky was not the only one who fought well in the period of October. Even people like the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, who then stood
page 111
side by side with the Bolsheviks, also fought well. In general, I must say that in the period of a victorious uprising, when the enemy is isolated and the uprising is growing, it is not difficult to fight well. At such moments even backward people become heroes.
The proletarian struggle is not, however, an uninterrupted advance, an unbroken chain of victories. The proletarian struggle also has its trials, its defeats. The genuine revolutionary is not one who displays courage in the period of a victorious uprising, but one who, while fighting well during the victorious advance of the revolution, also displays courage when the revolution is in retreat, when the proletariat suffers defeat; who does not lose his head and does not funk when the revolution suffers reverses, when the enemy achieves success; who does not become panic-stricken or give way to despair when the revolution is in a period of retreat. The Left Socialist-Revolutionaries did not fight badly in the period of October, and they supported the Bolsheviks. But who does not know that those "brave" fighters became panic-stricken in the period of Brest, when the advance of German imperialism drove them to despair and hysteria? It is a very sad but indubitable fact that Trotsky, who fought well in the period of October, did not, in the period of Brest, in the period when the revolution suffered temporary reverses, possess the courage to display sufficient staunchness at that difficult moment and to refrain from following in the footsteps of the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries. Beyond question, that moment was a difficult one; one had to display exceptional courage and imperturbable coolness not to be dismayed, to retreat in good time, to accept peace in good time, to withdraw the proletarian army out of range of the blows of German imperialism, to preserve the
page 112
peasant reserves and, after obtaining a respite in this way, to strike at the enemy with renewed force. Unfortunately, Trotsky was found to lack this courage and revolutionary staunchness at that difficult moment.
In Trotsky's opinion, the principal lesson of the proletarian revolution is "not to funk" during October. That is wrong, for Trotsky's assertion contains only a particle of the truth about the lessons of the revolution. The whole truth about the lessons of the proletarian revolution is "not to funk" not only when the revolution is advancing, but also when it is in retreat, when the enemy is gaining the upper hand and the revolution is suffering reverses. The revolution did not end with October. October was only the beginning of the proletarian revolution. It is bad to funk when the tide of insurrection is rising; but it is worse to funk when the revolution is passing through severe trials after power has been captured. To retain power on the morrow of the revolution is no less important than to capture power. If Trotsky funked during the period of Brest, when our revolution was passing through severe trials, when it was almost a matter of "surrendering" power, he ought to know that the mistakes committed by Kamenev and Kinoviev in October are quite irrelevant here.
That is how matters stand with the legends about the October uprising.
THE PARTY AND THE PREPARATION
FOR OCTOBER
Let us now pass to the question of the preparation for October.
page 113
Listening to Trotsky, one might think that during the whole of the period of preparation, from March to October, the Bolshevik Party did nothing but mark time; that it was being corroded by internal contradictions and hindered Lenin in every way; that had it not been for Trotsky, nobody knows how the October Revolution would have ended. It is rather amusing to hear this strange talk about the Party from Trotsky, who declares in this same "preface" to Volume III that "the chief instrument of the proletarian revolution is the Party," that "without the Party, apart from the Party, by-passing the Party, with a substitute for the Party, the proletarian revolution cannot be victorious." Allah himself would not understand how our revolution could have succeeded if "its chief instrument" proved to be useless, while success was impossible, as it appears, "by-passing the Party." But this is not the first time that Trotsky treats us to oddities. It must be supposed that this amusing talk about our Party is one of Trotsky's usual oddities.
Let us briefly review the history of the preparation for October according to periods.
1) The period of the Party's new orientation (March-April ). The major facts of this period:
a) the overthrow of tsarism;
b) the formation of the Provisional Government (dictatorship of the bourgeoisie);
c) the appearance of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies (dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry);
d) dual power;
e) the April demonstration;
f) the first crisis of power.
page 114
The characteristic feature of this period is the fact that there existed together, side by side and simultaneously, both the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and the dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry; the latter trusts the former, believes that it is striving for peace, voluntarily surrenders power to the bourgeoisie and thereby becomes an appendage of the bourgeoisie. There are as yet no serious conflicts between the two dictatorships. On the other hand, there is the "Contact Committee."[20]
This was the greatest turning point in the history of Russia and an unprecedented turning point in the history of our Party. The old, pre-revolutionary platform of direct overthrow of the government was clear and definite, but it was no longer suitable for the new conditions of the struggle. It was now no longer possible to go straight out for the overthrow of the government, for the latter was connected with the Soviets, then under the influence of the defencists, and the Party would have had to wage war against both the government and the Soviets, a war that would have been beyond its strength. Nor was it possible to pursue a policy of supporting the Provisional Government, for it was the government of imperialism. Under the new conditions of the struggle the Party had to adopt a new orientation. The Party (its majority) groped its way towards this new orientation. It adopted the policy of pressure on the Provisional Government through the Soviets on the question of peace and did not venture to step forward at once from the old slogan of the dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry to the new slogan of power to the Soviets. The aim of this halfway policy was to enable the Soviets to discern the actual imperialist nature of the Provisional Government on the basis of the concrete questions of peace, and in this way to wrest the Soviets from the Provisional Government. But
page 115
this was a profoundly mistaken position, for it gave rise to pacifist illusions, brought grist to the mill of defencism and hindered the revolutionary education of the masses. At that time I shared this mistaken position with other Party comrades and fully abandoned it only in the middle of April, when I associated myself with Lenin's theses. A new orientation was needed. This new orientation was given to the Party by Lenin, in his celebrated April Theses.[21] I shall not deal with these theses, for they are known to everybody. Were there any disagreements between the Party and Lenin at that time? Yes, there were. How long did these disagreements last? Not more than two weeks. The City Conference of the Petrograd organisation[22] (in the latter half of April), which adopted Lenin's theses, marked a turning point in our Party's development. The All-Russian April Conference [23] (at the end of April) merely completed on an all-Russian scale the work of the Petrograd Conference, rallying nine-tenths of the Party around this united Party position.
Now, seven years later, Trotsky gloats maliciously over the past disagreements among the Bolsheviks and depicts them as a struggle waged as if there were almost two parties within Bolshevism. But, firstly, Trotsky disgracefully exaggerates and inflates the matter, for the Bolshevik Party lived through these disagreements without the slightest shock. Secondly, our Party would be a caste and not a revolutionary party if it did not permit different shades of opinion in its ranks. Moreover, it is well known that there were disagreements among us even before that, for example, in the period of the Third Duma, but they did not shake the unity of our Party. Thirdly, it will not be out of place to ask what was then the position of Trotsky himself, who is now gloating so eagerly over the past disagree-
page 116
ments among the Bolsheviks. Lentsner, the so-called editor of Trotsky's works, assures us that Trotsky's letters from America (March) "wholly anticipated" Lenin's Letters from Afar [24] (March), which served as the basis of Lenin's April Theses. That is what he says: "wholly anticipated." Trotsky does not object to this analogy; apparently, he accepts it with thanks. But, firstly, Trotsky's letters "do not in the least resemble" Lenin's letters either in spirit or in conclusions, for they wholly and entirely reflect Trotsky's anti-Bolshevik slogan of "no tsar, but a workers' government," a slogan which implies a revolution without the peasantry. It is enough to glance through these two series of letters to be convinced of this. Secondly, if what Lentsner says is true, how are we to explain the fact that Lenin on the very next day after his arrival from abroad considered it necessary to dissociate himself from Trotsky? Who does not know of Lenin's repeated statements that Trotsky's slogan of "no tsar, but a workers' government " was an attempt "to skip the still unexhausted peasant movement," that this slogan meant "playing at the seizure of power by a workers' government"?*
What can there be in common between Lenin's Bolshevik theses and Trotsky's anti-Bolshevik scheme with its "playing at the seizure of power"? And what prompts this passion that some people display for comparing a wretched hovel with Mont Blanc? For what purpose did Lentsner find it necessary to make this risky addition to the heap of old legends about our revolution of still another legend, about Trotsky's letters
* See Lenin's Letters on Tactics, First Letter, Assessment of the Present Situation (1917). See also the reports made at the Petrograd City Conference and at the All-Russian Conference of the R.S.D.L.P.(B.) (middle and end of April 1917).
page 117
from America "anticipating" Lenin's well-known Letters from Afar?[*]
No wonder it is said that an obliging fool is more dangerous than an enemy.
2) The period of the revolutionary mobilisation of the masses (May-August ). The major facts of this period:
a) the April demonstration in Petrograd and the formation of the coalition government with the participation of "Socialists";
b) the May Day demonstrations in the principal centres of Russia with the slogan of "a democratic peace";
c) the June demonstration in Petrograd with the principal slogan: "Down with the capitalist ministers!";
d) the June offensive at the front and the reverses of the Russian army;
e) the July armed demonstration in Petrograd; the Cadet ministers resign from the government;
f) counter-revolutionary troops are called in from the front; the editorial offices of Pravda are wrecked; the counter-revolution launches a struggle against the Soviets and a new coalition government is formed, headed by Kerensky;
* Among these legends must be included also the
very widespread story that Trotsky was the "sole" or "chief organiser"
of the victories on the fronts of the Civil War. I must declare, comrades, in the interest
of truth, that this version is quite out of accord with the facts. I am far from denying
that Trotsky played an important role in the Civil War. But I must emphatically declare
that the high honour of being the organiser of our victories belongs not to individuals,
but to the great collective body of advanced workers in our country, the Russian Communist
Party. Perhaps it will not be out of place to quote a few examples. You know that Kolchak
and Denikin were regarded as the principal enemies of the Soviet Republic. You know that
our country breathed freely only after those enemies were defeated. Well, history shows
that [cont. onto p. 118. -- DJR] both those enemies, i.e., Kolchak and
Denikin, were routed by our troops in spite of Trotsky's plans.
Judge for yourselves.
1) Kolchak. This is in the summer of 1919. Our troops are
advancing against Kolchak and are operating near Ufa. A meeting of the Central Committee
is held. Trotsky proposes that the advance be halted along the line of the River Belaya
(near Ufa), leaving the Urals in the hands of Kolchak, and that part of the troops be
withdrawn from the Eastern Front and transferred to the Southern Front. A heated debate
takes place. The Central Committee disagrees with Trotsky, being of the opinion that the
Urals, with its factories and railway network, must not be left in the hands of Kolchak,
for the latter could easily recuperate there, organise a strong force and reach the Volga
again; Kolchak must first be driven beyond the Ural range into the Siberian steppes, and
only after that has been done should forces be transferred to the South. The Central
Committee rejects Trotsky's plan. Trotsky hands in his [cont. onto p. 119. --
DJR] resignation. The Central Committee refuses to accept it. Commander-in-Chief
Vatsetis, who supported Trotsky's plan, resigns. His place is taken by a new
Commander-in-Chief, Kamenev. From that moment Trotsky ceases to take a direct part in the
affairs of the Eastern Front.
2) Denikin. This is in the autumn of 1919. The offensive against
Denikin is not proceeding successfully. The "steel ring" around Mamontov
(Mamontov's raid) is obviously collapsing. Denikin captures Kursk. Denikin is approaching
Orel. Trotsky is summoned from the Southern Front to attend a meeting of the Central
Committee. The Central Committee regards the situation as alarming and decides to send new
military leaders to the Southern Front and to withdraw Trotsky. The new military leaders
demand "no intervention" by Trotsky in the affairs of the Southern Front.
Trotsky ceases to take a direct part in the affairs of the Southern Front. Operations on
the Southern Front, right up to the capture of Rostov-on-Don and Odessa by our troops,
proceed without Trotsky.
Let anybody try to refute these facts.
page 118
g) the Sixth Congress of our Party, which issues the slogan to prepare for an armed uprising;
h) the counter-revolutionary Conference of State and the general strike in Moscow;
i) Kornilov's unsuccessful march on Petrograd, the revitalising of the Soviets; the Cadets resign and a "Directory" is formed.
The characteristic feature of this period is the intensification of the crisis and the upsetting of the unstable equilibrium between the Soviets and the Provisional Government which, for good or evil, had existed in the preceding period. Dual power has become intolerable for both sides. The fragile ediface of the "Contact Committee" is tottering. "Crisis of power" and "ministerial re-shuffle" are the most fashionable catch-words of the day. The crisis at the front and the disruption in the rear are doing their work, strengthening the extreme flanks and squeezing the defencist compromisers from both sides. The revolution is mobilising, causing the mobilisation of the
page 119
counter-revolution. The counter-revolution, in its turn, is spurring on the revolution, stirring up new waves of the revolutionary tide. The question of transferring power to the new class becomes the immediate question of the day.
Were there disagreements in our Party then? Yes, there were. They were, however, of a purely practical character, despite the assertions of Trotsky, who is trying to discover a "Right" and a "Left" wing in the Party. That is to say, they were such disagreements as are inevitable where there is vigorous Party life and real Party activity.
Trotsky is wrong in asserting that the April demonstration in Petrograd gave rise to disagreements in the Central Committee. The Central Committee was absolutely united on this question and condemned the attempt of a group of comrades to arrest the Provisional Government at a time when the Bolsheviks were in a minority both in the Soviets and in the army. Had Trotsky written the "history" of October not according to Sukhanov, but according to authentic documents,
page 120
he would easily have convinced himself of the error of his assertion.
Trotsky is absolutely wrong in asserting that the attempt, "on Lenin's initiative," to arrange a demonstration on June 10 was described as "adventurism" by the "Right-wing" members of the Central Committee. Had Trotsky not written according to Sukhanov he would surely have known that the June 10 demonstration was postponed with the full agreement of Lenin, and that he urged the necessity of postponing it in a
big speech he delivered at the well-known meeting of the Petrograd Committee (see minutes of the Petrograd Committee[25]).Trotsky is absolutely wrong in speaking about "tragic" disagreements in the Central Committee in connection with the July armed demonstration. Trotsky is simply inventing in asserting that some members of the leading group in the Central Committee "could not but regard the July episode as a harmful adventure." Trotsky, who was then not yet a member of our Central Committee and was merely our Soviet parliamentary, might, of course, not have known that the Central Committee regarded the July demonstration only as a means of sounding the enemy, that the Central Committee (and Lenin) did not want to convert, did not even think of converting, the demonstration into an uprising at a time when the Soviets in the capitals still supported the defencists. It is quite possible that some Bolsheviks did whimper over the July defeat. I know, for example, that some of the Bolsheviks who were arrested at the time were even prepared to desert our ranks. But to draw inferences from this against certain supposed "Rights," supposed to be members of the Central Committee, is a shameful distortion of history.
page 121
Trotsky is wrong in declaring that during the Kornilov days a section of the Party leaders inclined towards the formation of a bloc with the defencists, towards supporting the Provisional Government. He, of course, is referring to those same alleged "Rights" who keep him awake at night. Trotsky is wrong, for there exist documents, such as the Central Organ of the Party of that time, which refute his statements. Trotsky refers to Lenin's letter to the Central Committee warning against supporting Kerensky; but Trotsky fails to understand Lenin's letters, their significance, their purpose. In his letters Lenin sometimes deliberately ran ahead, pushing into the forefront mistakes that might possibly be committed, and criticising them in advance with the object of warning the Party and of safeguarding it against mistakes. Sometimes he would even magnify a "trifle" and "make a mountain out of a molehill" for the same pedagogical purpose. The leader of the Party, especially if he is in hiding, cannot act otherwise, for he must see further than his comrades-in-arms, he must sound the alarm over every possible mistake, even over "trifles." But to infer from such letters of Lenin's (and he wrote quite a number of such letters) the existence of "tragic" disagreements and to trumpet them forth means not to understand Lenin's letters, means not to know Lenin. This, probably, explains why Trotsky sometimes is wide of the mark. In short: there were no disagreements in the Central Committee during the Kornilov revolt, absolutely none.
After the July defeat disagreement did indeed arise between the Central Committee and Lenin on the question of the future of the Soviets. It is known that Lenin, wishing to concentrate the Party's attention on the task of preparing the uprising outside the Soviets, warned against any infatuation with the latter, for he was of the opinion that, having been
page 122
defiled by the defencists, they had become useless. The Central Committee and the Sixth Party Congress took a more cautious line and decided that there were no grounds for excluding the possibility that the Soviets would revive. The Kornilov revolt showed that this decision was correct. This disagreement, however, was of no great consequence for the Party. Later, Lenin admitted that the line taken by the Sixth Congress had been correct. It is interesting that Trotsky has not clutched at this disagreement and has not magnified it to "monstrous" proportions.
A united and solid party, the hub of the revolutionary mobilisation of the masses -- such was the picture presented by our Party in that period.
3) The period of organisation of the assault (September-October ). The major facts of this period:
a) the convocation of the Democratic Conference and the collapse of the idea of a bloc with the Cadets;
b) the Moscow and Petrograd Soviets go over to the side of the Bolsheviks;
c) the Congress of Soviets of the Northern Region;[
26] the Petrograd Soviet decides against the withdrawal of the troops;d) the decision of the Central Committee on the uprising and the formation of the Revolutionary Military Committee of the Petrograd Soviet;
e) the Petrograd garrison decides to render the Petrograd Soviet armed support; a network of commissars of the Revolutionary Military Committee is organised;
f) the Bolshevik armed forces go into action; the members of the Provisional Government are arrested;
g) the Revolutionary Military Committee of the Petrograd Soviet takes power; the Second Congress of Soviets sets up the Council of People's Commissars.
page 123
The characteristic feature of this period is the rapid growth of the crisis, the utter consternation reigning among the ruling circles, the isolation of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, and the mass flight of the vacillating elements to the side of the Bolsheviks. A peculiar feature of the tactics of the revolution in this period must be noted, namely, that the revolution strove to take every, or nearly every, step in its attack in the guise of defence. Undoubtedly, the refusal to allow the troops to be withdrawn from Petrograd was an important step in the revolution's attack; nevertheless, this attack was carried out under the slogan of protecting Petrograd from possible attack by the external enemy. Undoubtedly, the formation of the Revolutionary Military Committee was a still more important step in the attack upon the Provisional Government; nevertheless, it was carried out under the slogan of organising Soviet control over the actions of the Headquarters of the Military Area. Undoubtedly, the open transition of the garrison to the side of the Revolutionary Military Committee and the organisation of a network of Soviet Commissars marked the beginning of the uprising; nevertheless, the revolution took these steps under the slogan of protecting the Petrograd Soviet from possible action by the counter-revolution. The revolution, as it were, masked its actions in attack under the cloak of defence in order the more easily to draw the irresolute, vacillating elements into its orbit. This, no doubt, explains the outwardly defensive character of the speeches, articles and slogans of that period, the inner content of which, none the less, was of a profoundly attacking nature.
Were there disagreements in the Central Committee in that period? Yes, there were, and fairly important ones at that. I have already spoken about the disagreements over the uprising. They are fully reflected in the minutes of the meetings
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of the Central Committee of October 10 and 16. I shall, therefore, not repeat what I have already said. Three questions must now be dealt with: participation in the Pre-parliament, the role of the Soviets in the uprising, and the date of the uprising. This is all the more necessary because Trotsky, in his zeal to push himself into a prominent place, has "inadvertently" misrepresented the stand Lenin took on the last two questions.
Undoubtedly, the disagreements on the question of the Pre-parliament were of a serious nature. What was, so to speak, the aim of the Pre-parliament? It was: to help the bourgeoisie to push the Soviets into the background and to lay the foundations of bourgeois parliamentarism. Whether the Pre-parliament could have accomplished this task in the revolutionary situation that had arisen is another matter. Events showed that this aim could not be realised, and the Pre-parliament itself was a Kornilovite abortion. There can be no doubt, however, that it was precisely this aim that the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries pursued in setting up the Pre-parliament. What could the Bolsheviks' participation in the Pre-parliament mean under those circumstances? Nothing but deceiving the proletarian masses about the true nature of the Pre-parliament. This is the chief explanation for the passion with which Lenin, in his letters, scourged those who were in favour of taking part in the Pre-parliament. There can be no doubt that it was a grave mistake to have taken part in the Pre-parliament.
It would be a mistake, however, to think, as Trotsky does, that those who were in favour of taking part in the Pre-parliament went into it for the purpose of constructive work, for the purpose of "directing the working-class movement" "into the channel of Social-Democracy." That is not at all the case.
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It is not true. Had that been the case, the Party would not have been able to rectify this mistake "in two ticks" by demonstratively walking out of the Pre-parliament. Incidentally, the swift rectification of this mistake was an expression of our Party's vitality and revolutionary might.
And now, permit me to correct a slight inaccuracy that has crept into the report of Lentsner, the "editor" of Trotsky's works, about the meeting of the Bolshevik group at which a decision on the question of the Pre-parliament was taken. Lentsner says that there were two reporters at this meeting, Kamenev and Trotsky. That is not true. Actually, there were four reporters: two in favour of boycotting the Pre-parliament (Trotsky and Stalin), and two in favour of participation (Kamenev and Nogin).
Trotsky is in a still worse position when dealing with the stand Lenin took on the question of the form of the uprising. According to Trotsky, it appears that Lenin's view was that the Party should take power in October "independently of and behind the back of the Soviet." Later on, criticising this nonsense, which he ascribes to Lenin, Trotsky "cuts capers" and finally delivers the following condescending utterance: "That would have been a mistake." Trotsky is here uttering a falsehood about Lenin, he is misrepresenting Lenin's views on the role of the Soviets in the uprising. A pile of documents can be cited, showing that Lenin proposed that power be taken through the Soviets, either the Petrograd or the Moscow Soviet, and not behind the back of the Soviets. Why did Trotsky have to invent this more than strange legend about Lenin?
Nor is Trotsky in a better position when he "analyses" the stand taken by the Central Committee and Lenin on the question of the date of the uprising. Reporting the famous meeting of the Central Committee of October 10, Trotsky asserts that
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at that meeting "a resolution was carried to the effect that the uprising should take place not later than October 15." From this it appears that the Central Committee fixed October 15 as the date of the uprising and then itself violated that decision by postponing the date of the uprising to October 25. Is that true? No, it is not. During that period the Central Committee passed only two resolutions on the uprising -- one on October 10 and the other on October 16. Let us read these resolutions.
The Central Committee's resolution of October 10:
"The Central Committee recognises that the
international position of the Russian revolution (the mutiny in the German navy, which is
an extreme manifestation of the growth throughout Europe of the world socialist
revolution, and the threat of peace[*] between the
imperialists with the object of strangling the revolution in Russia) as well as the
military situation (the indubitable decision of the Russian bourgeoisie and Kerensky and
Co. to surrender Petrograd to the Germans), and the fact that the proletarian party has
gained a majority in the Soviets -- all this, taken in conjunction with the peasant revolt
and the swing of popular confidence towards our Party (the elections in Moscow), and,
finally, the obvious preparations being made for a second Kornilov affair (the withdrawal
of troops from Petrograd, the dispatch of Cossacks to Petrograd, the surrounding of Minsk
by Cossacks. etc.) -- all this places an armed uprising on the order of the day.
"Considering, therefore, that an armed uprising is inevitable, and that
the time for it is fully ripe, the Central Committee instructs all Party
organisations to be guided accordingly, and to discuss and decide all practical questions
(the Congress of Soviets of the Northern Region, the withdrawal of troops from Petrograd,
the actions of the people in Moscow and Minsk, etc.) from this point of view."[27]
The resolution adopted by the conference of the Central Committee with responsible workers on October 16:
* Obviously, this should be "a separate peace." -- J. St.
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"This meetjng fully welcomes and wholly supports the Central Committee's resolution, calls upon all organisations and all workers and soldiers to make thorough and most intense preparations for an armed uprising and for support of the centre set up by the Central Committee for this purpose,
and expresses complete confidence that the Central Committee and the Soviet will in good time indicate the favourable moment and the suitable means for launching the attack."[28]You see that Trotsky's memory betrayed him about the date of the uprising and the Central Committee's resolution on the uprising.
Trotsky is absolutely wrong in asserting that Lenin underrated Soviet legality, that Lenin failed to appreciate the great importance of the All-Russian Congress of Soviets taking power on October 25, and that this was the reason why he insisted that power be taken before October 25. That is not true. Lenin proposed that power be taken before October 25 for two reasons. Firstly, because the counter-revolutionaries might have surrendered Petrograd at any moment, which would have drained the blood of the developing uprising, and so every day was precious. Secondly, because the mistake made by the Petrograd Soviet in openly fixing and announcing the day of the uprising (October 25) could not be rectified in any other way than by actually launching the uprising before the legal date set for it. The fact of the matter is that Lenin regarded insurrection as an art, and he could not help knowing that the enemy, informed about the date of the uprising (owing to the carelessness of the Petrograd Soviet) would certainly try to prepare for that day. Consequently, it was necessary to forestall the enemy, i.e., without fail to launch the uprising before the legal date. This is the chief explanation for the passion with which Lenin in his letters scourged those who made a fetish of the date -- October 25. Events showed that Lenin was absolutely right. It is well known that the uprising
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was launched prior to the All-Russian Congress of Soviets. It is well known that power was actually taken before the opening of the All-Russian Congress of Soviets, and it was taken not by the Congress of Soviets, but by the Petrograd Soviet, by the Revolutionary Military Committee. The Congress of Soviets merely took over power from the Petrograd Soviet. That is why Trotsky's lengthy arguments about the importance of Soviet legality are quite beside the point.
A virile and mighty party standing at the head of the revolutionary masses who were storming and overthrowing bourgeois rule -- such was the state of our Party in that period.
That is how matters stand with the legends about the preparation for October.
TROTSKYISM OR LENINISM?
We have dealt above with the legends directed against the Party and those about Lenin spread by Trotsky and his supporters in connection with October and the preparation for it. We have exposed and refuted these legends. But the question arises: For what purpose did Trotsky need all these legends about October and the preparation for October, about Lenin and the Party of Lenin? What is the purpose of Trotsky's new literary pronouncements against the Party? What is the sense, the purpose, the aim of these pronouncements now, when the Party does not want a discussion, when the Party is busy with a host of urgent tasks, when the Party needs united efforts to restore our economy and not a new struggle around old ques tions? For what purpose does Trotsky need to drag the Party back, to new discussions?
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Trotsky asserts that all this is needed for the purpose of "studying" October. But is it not possible to study October without giving another kick at the Party and its leader Lenin? What sort of a "history" of October is it that begins and ends with attempts to discredit the chief leader of the October uprising, to discredit the Party, which organised and carried through the uprising? No, it is not a matter here of studying October. That is not the way to study October. That is not the way to write the history of October. Obviously, there is a different "design" here, and everything goes to show that this "design" is that Trotsky by his literary pronouncements is making another (yet another!) attempt to create the conditions for substituting Trotskyism for Leninism. Trotsky needs "desperately" to discredit the Party, and its cadres who carried through the uprising, in order, after discrediting the Party, to proceed to discredit Leninism. And it is necessary for him to discredit Leninism in order to drag in Trotskyism as the "sole" "proletarian" (don't laugh!) ideology. All this, of course (oh of course!) under the flag of Leninism, so that the dragging operation may be performed "as painlessly as possible."
That is the essence of Trotsky's latest literary pronouncements.
That is why those literary pronouncements of Trotsky's sharply raise the question of Trotskyism.
And so, what is Trotskyism?
Trotskyism possesses three specific features which bring it into irreconcilable contradiction with Leninism.
What are these features?
Firstly. Trotskyism is the theory of "permanent" (uninterrupted) revolution. But what is permanent revolution in its Trotskyist interpretation? It is revolution that fails to take the poor peasantry into account as a revolutionary force.
page 130
Trotsky's "permanent" revolution is, as Lenin said, "skipping" the peasant movement, "playing at the seizure of power." Why is it dangerous? Because such a revolution, if an attempt had been made to bring it about, would inevitably have ended in failure, for it would have divorced from the Russian proletariat its ally, the poor peasantry. This explains the struggle that Leninism has been waging against Trotskyism ever since 1905.
How does Trotsky appraise Leninism from the standpoint of this struggle? He regards it as a theory that possesses "anti-revolutionary features." What is this indignant opinion about Leninism based on? On the fact that at the proper time Leninism advocated and upheld the idea of the dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry.
But Trotsky does not confine himself to this indignant opinion. He goes further and asserts: "The entire edifice of Leninism at the present time is built on lies and falsification and bears within itself the poisonous elements of its own decay" (see Trotsky's letter to Chkheidze, 1913). As you see, we have before us two opposite lines.
Secondly. Trotskyism is distrust of the Bolshevik Party principle, of the monolithic character of the Party, of its hostility towards opportunist elements. In the sphere of organisation, Trotskyism is the theory that revolutionaries and opportunists can co-exist and form groups and coteries within a single party. You are, no doubt, familiar with the history of Trotsky's August bloc, in which the Martovites and Otzovists, the Liquidators and Trotskyites, happily co-operated, pretending that they were a "real" party. It is well known that this patchwork "party" pursued the aim of destroying the Bolshevik Party. What was the nature of "our disagreements" at that time? It was that Leninism regarded the destruction of the
page 131
August bloc as a guarantee of the development of the proletarian party, whereas Trotskyism regarded that bloc as the basis for building a "real" party.
Again, as you see, we have two opposite lines.
Thirdly. Trotskyism is distrust of the leaders of Bolshevism, an attempt to discredit, to defame them. I do not know of a single trend in the Party that could compare with Trotskyism in the matter of discrediting the leaders of Leninism or the central institutions of the Party. For example, what should be said of Trotsky's "polite" opinion of Lenin, whom he described as "a professional exploiter of every kind of backwardness in the Russian working-class movement" (ibid.)? And this is far from being the most "polite" of the "polite" opinions Trotsky has expressed.
How could it happen that Trotsky, who carried such a nasty stock-in-trade on his back, found himself, after all, in the ranks of the Bolsheviks during the October movement? It happened because at that time Trotsky abandoned (actually did abandon) that stock-in-trade; he hid it in the cupboard. Had he not performed that "operation," real co-operation with him would have been impossible. The theory of the August bloc, i.e., the theory of unity with the Mensheviks, had already been shattered and thrown overboard by the revolution, for how could there be any talk about unity when an armed struggle was raging between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks? Trotsky had no alternative but to admit that this theory was useless.
The same misadventure "happened" to the theory of permanent revolution, for not a single Bolshevik contemplated the immediate seizure of power on the morrow of the February Revolution, and Trotsky could not help knowing that the Bolsheviks would not allow him, in the words of Lenin, "to play
page 132
at the seizure of power." Trotsky had no alternative but recognise the Bolsheviks' policy of fighting for influence in the Soviets, of fighting to win over the peasantry. As regards the third specific feature of Trotskyism (distrust of the Bolshevik leaders), it naturally had to retire into the background owing to the obvious failure of the first two features.
Under those circumstances, could Trotsky do anything else but hide his stock-in-trade in the cupboard and follow the Bolsheviks, considering that he had no group of his own of any significance, and that he came to the Bolsheviks as a political individual, without an army? Of course, he could not!
What is the lesson to be learnt from this? Only one: that prolonged collaboration between the Leninists and Trotsky is possible only if the latter completely abandons his old stock in-trade, only if he completely accepts Leninism. Trotsky writes about the lessons of October, but he forgets that, in addition to all the other lessons, there is one more lesson of October, the one I have just mentioned, which is of prime importance for Trotskyism. Trotskyism ought to learn that lesson of October too.
It is evident, however, that Trotskyism has not learnt that lesson. The fact of the matter is that the old stock-in-trade of Trotskyism that was hidden in the cupboard in the period of the October movement is now being dragged into the light again in the hope that a market will be found for it, seeing that the market in our country is expanding. Undoubtedly, Trotsky's new literary pronouncements are an attempt to revert to Trotskyism, to "overcome" Leninism, to drag in, implant, all the specific features of Trotskyism. The new Trotskyism is not a mere repetition of the old Trotskyism; its feathers have been plucked and it is rather bedraggled; it is incomparably milder in spirit and more moderate in form than the old Trots-
page 133
kyism; but, in essence, it undoubtedly retains all the specific features of the old Trotskyism. The new Trotskyism does not dare to come out as a militant force against Leninism; it prefers to operate under the common flag of Leninism, under the slogan of interpreting, improving Leninism. That is because it is weak. It cannot be regarded as an accident that the appearance of the new Trotskyism coincided with Lenin's departure. In Lenin's lifetime it would not have dared to take this risky step.
What are the characteristic features of the new Trotskyism?
1) On the question of "permanent" revolution. The new Trotskyism does not deem it necessary openly to uphold the theory of "permanent" revolution. It "simply" asserts that the October Revolution fully confirmed the idea of "permanent" revolution. From this it draws the following conclusion: the important and acceptable part of Leninism is the part that came after the war, in the period of the October Revolution; on the other hand, the part of Leninism that existed before the war, before the October Revolution, is wrong and unacceptable. Hence, the Trotskyites' theory of the division of Leninism into two parts: pre-war Leninism, the "old," "useless" Leninism with its idea of the dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry, and the new, post-war, October Leninism, which they count on adapting to the requirements of Trotskyism. Trotskyism needs this theory of the division of Leninism as a first, more or less "acceptable" step that is necessary to facilitate further steps in its struggle against Leninism.
But Leninism is not an eclectic theory stuck together out of diverse elements and capable of being cut into parts. Leninism is an integral theory, which arose in 1903, has passed the test of
page 134
three revolutions, and is now being carried forward as the battle-flag of the world proletariat.
"Bolshevism," Lenin said, "as a trend of political thought and as a political party, has existed since 1903. Only the history of Bolshevism during the whole period of its existence can satisfactorily explain why it was able to build up and to maintain under most difficult conditions the iron discipline needed for the victory of the proletariat" (see Vol. XXV, p. 174).[1]
Bolshevism and Leninism are one. They are two names for one and the same thing. Hence, the theory of the division of Leninism into two parts is a theory intended to destroy Leninism, to substitute Trotskyism for Leninism.
Needless to say, the Party cannot reconcile itself to this grotesque theory.
2) On the question of the Party principle. The old Trotskyism tried to undermine the Bolshevik Party principle by means of the theory (and practice) of unity with the Mensheviks. But that theory has suffered such disgrace that nobody now even wants to mention it. To undermine the Party principle, present-day Trotskyism has invented the new, less odious and almost "democratic" theory of contrasting the old cadres to the younger Party members. According to Trotskyism, our Party has not a single and integral history. Trotskyism divides the history of our Party into two parts of unequal importance: pre-October and post-October. The pre-October part of the history of our Party is, properly speaking, not history, but "pre-history," the unimportant or, at all events, not very important preparatory period of our Party. The post-October part of the history of our Party, however, is real, genuine history. In the former, there are the "old," "pre-
[1] Lenin, "
Left-Wing" Communism, an Infantile Disorder. II. One of the Fundamental Conditions for the Bolsheviks' Success. (1920)page 135
historic," unimportant cadres of our Party. In the latter there is the new, real, "historic" Party. It scarcely needs proof that this singular scheme of the history of the Party is a scheme to disrupt the unity between the old and the new cadres of our Party, a scheme to destroy the Bolshevik Party principle.
Needless to say, the Party cannot reconcile itself to this grotesque scheme.
3) On the question of the leaders of Bolshevism. The old Trotskyism tried to discredit Lenin more or less openly, with out fearing the consequences. The new Trotskyism is more cautious. It tries to achieve the purpose of the old Trotskyism by pretending to praise, to exalt Lenin. I think it is worth while quoting a few examples.
The Party knows that Lenin was a relentless revolutionary; but it knows also that he was cautious, that he disliked reckless people and often, with a firm hand, restrained those who were infatuated with terrorism, including Trotsky himself. Trotsky touches on this subject in his book On Lenin, but from his portrayal of Lenin one might think that all Lenin did was "at every opportunity to din into people's minds the idea that terrorism was inevitable." The impression is created that Lenin was the most bloodthirsty of all the bloodthirsty Bolsheviks.
For what purpose did Trotsky need this uncalled-for and totally unjustified exaggeration?
The Party knows that Lenin was an exemplary Party man, who did not like to settle questions alone, without the leading collective body, on the spur of the moment, without careful investigation and verification. Trotsky touches upon this aspect, too, in his book. But the portrait he paints is not that of Lenin, but of a sort of Chinese mandarin, who settles important questions in the quiet of his study, by intuition.
page 136
Do you want to know how our Party settled the question of dispersing the Constituent Assembly? Listen to Trotsky:
"'Of course, the Constituent Assembly will have to be dispersed,' said Lenin, 'but what about the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries?'
"But our apprehensions were greatly allayed by old Natanson. He came in to 'take counsel' with us, and after the first few words he said:
"'We shall probably have to disperse the Constituent Assembly by force.'
"'Bravo!' exclaimed Lenin. 'What is true is true! But will your people agree to it?'
"'Some of our people are wavering, but I think that in the end they will agree,' answered Natanson."
That is how history is written.
Do you want to know how the Party settled the question about the Supreme Military Council? Listen to Trotsky:
" 'Unless we have serious and experienced military experts we shall never extricate ourselves from this chaos,' I said to Vladimir Ilyich after every visit to the Staff.
"'That is evidently true, but they might betray us. . . .'
"'Let us attach a commissar to each of them.'
"'Two would be better,' exclaimed Lenin, 'and strong handed ones. There surely must be strong-handed Communists in our ranks.'
"That is how the structure of the Supreme Military Council arose."
That is how Trotsky writes history.
Why did Trotsky need these "Arabian Nights" stories derogatory to Lenin? Was it to exalt V. I. Lenin, the leader of the Party? It doesn't look like it.
page 137
The Party knows that Lenin was the greatest Marxist of our times, a profound theoretician and a most experienced revolutionary, to whom any trace of Blanquism was alien. Trotsky touches upon this aspect, too, in his book. But the portrait he paints is not that of the giant Lenin, but of a dwarf like Blanquist who, in the October days, advises the Party "to take power by its own hand, independently of and behind the back of the Soviet." I have already said, however, that there is not a scrap of truth in this description. Why did Trotsky need this flagrant . . . inaccuracy? Is this not an attempt to discredit Lenin "just a little"?
Such are the characteristic features of the new Trotskyism.
What is the danger of this new Trotskyism? It is that Trots kyism, owing to its entire inner content, stands every chance of becoming the centre and rallying point of the non-proletarian elements who are striving to weaken, to disintegrate the proletarian dictatorship.
You will ask: what is to be done now? What are the Party's immediate tasks in connection with Trotsky's new literary pronouncements?
Trotskyism is taking action now in order to discredit Bolshevism and to undermine its foundations. It is the duty of the Party to bury Trotskyism as an ideological trend.
There is talk about repressive measures against the opposition and about the possibility of a split. That is nonsense, comrades. Our Party is strong and mighty. It will not allow any splits. As regards repressive measures, I am emphatically opposed to them. What we need now is not repressive meas ures, but an extensive ideological struggle against renascent Trotskyism.
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We did not want and did not strive for this literary discussion. Trotskyism is forcing it upon us by its anti-Leninist pronouncements. Well, we are ready, comrades.
Pravda, No. 269,
November 26, 1924
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Notes on |
page 900
[20] The "Contact Committee," consisting of Chkheidze, Steklov, Sukhanov, Filippovsky and Skobelev (and later Chernov and Tsereteli), was set up by the Menshevik and Socialist-Revolutionary Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies on March 7, 1917, for the purpose of establishing contact with the Provisional Government, of "influencing" it and "controlling" its activities. Actually, the "Contact Committee" helped to carry out the bourgeois policy of the Provisional Government and restrained the masses of the workers from waging an active revolutionary struggle to transfer all power to the Soviets. The "Contact Committee" existed until May 1917, when representatives of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries entered the Provisional Government. [p.114]
[21] See V. I. Lenin, Selected Works, F.L.P.H., Moscow, 1952, Vol. II, Part 1, pp. 13-19. [p.115]
[22] The Petrograd City Conference of the R.S.D.L.P.(B.) took place from April 14-22 (April 27-May 5), 1917, with 57 delegates present. V. I. Lenin and J. V. Stalin took part in the proceedings. V. I. Lenin delivered a report on the current situation based on his April Theses.
page 901
J. V. Stalin was elected to the commission for drafting the resolution on V. I. Lenin's report. [p.115]
[23] Concerning the Seventh (April) All-Russian Conference of the Bolshevik Party see the History of the C.P.S.U.(B.), Short Course, Moscow, 1952, pp. 291-96. [p.115]
[24] See V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, International Publishers, New York, 1929, Vol. XX, Bk. I, pp. 27-63. [p.116]
[25] See "Speech by V. I. Lenin at the Meeting of the Petrograd Committee of the R.S.D.L.P.(B.), June 24 (11), 1917, Concerning the Cancelling of the Demonstration." [p.120]
[26] The Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies of the Northern Region took place in Petrograd on October 24-26 (11-13), 1917, under the direction of the Bolsheviks. Representatives were present from Petrograd, Moscow, Kronstadt, Novgorod, Reval, Helsingfors, Vyborg and other cities. In all there were 94 delegates, of whom 51 were Bolsheviks. The congress adopted a resolution on the need for immediate transference of all power to the Soviets, central and local. It called upon the peasants to support the struggle for the transference of power to the Soviets and urged the Soviets themselves to commence active operations and to set up Revolutionary Military Committees for organising the military defence of the revolution. The congress set up a Northern Regional Committee and instructed it to prepare for the convocation of the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets and to co-ordinate the activities of all the Regional Soviets. [p.122]
[27] See Meeting of tbe Central Committee of the R.S.D.L.P., October 10 (23), 1917. [p.126]
[28] See Meeting of the Central Committee of the R.S.D.L.P., October 16 (29), 1917. [p.127]
From Marx to Mao |
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"The laborer is the owner of his labor power until he has done bar- gaining for its sale with the capital- ist, and he can sell no more than what he has--i.e., his individual, isolated labor power." -Karl Marx.
BROTHER JONATHAN
by Danel De Leon
Excerpts
SOCIALIST ECONOMICS IN DIALOGUE BY DANIEL DE LEON From the 1935 hardback edition published by New York Labor News Originally published in the Weekly People in 1900 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ DIALOGUE 1 WHAT CONSTITUTES CAPITAL TODAY?
UNCLE SAM--So long as the capitalist class rules, you need not look for
improvement; it won't come.
BROTHER JONATHAN--Bother "capitalist class"! there is no such thing as
"capitalist class." We are all capitalists.
U.S.--You among them?
B.J.--Yes, I among them.
U.S.--And what does your "capital" consist in?
B.J.--In what? (stretching out his arms) In these.
U.S.--Do you imagine that the spanish Admiral Montojo at Manila and his
men had no arms?
B.J.--They certainly had arms.
U.S.--And are you aware that he had more men under him than Dewey had?
B.J.--Yes.
U.S.--And yet Dewey and the fewer men under him mopped up Manila Bay with
Montojo?
B.J.--Guess they did.
U.S.--How did they manage that?
B.J.--They had infinitely superior guns, and all that.
U.S.--Superior war material?
B.J.--Yes.
U.S.--But I thought you said Montojo had more men with him, and,
accordingly, more arms and hands.
B.J.--But arms and hands are not war material.
U.S.--Accordingly, what would you think of me, if I said to you, "Bother
war materials; there is no such thing as a man equipped with war
materials; we are all so equipped; look at my arms and hands; these
are my war materials"--what would you say to that?
B.J. looks at U.S. in blank amazement.
U.S.--Have you been struck with dumbness?
B.J.--How can you call arms and hands war materials?
U.S.--That is absurd, isn't it?
B.J.--I should think so!
U.S.--Just so absurd it is to call your arms and hands "capital."
B.J.--What then is "capital"?
U.S.--To be entitled to the term capital a thing must combine two
qualities:
1. It must be a tool, or implement of labor; that quality alone excludes your arms and hands; your arms and hands are not the product of human labor, implements of labor are; 2. It must powerful enough to disable those who do not own it from competing with him who does.
From this last it follows that a thing may be capital at one time and not capital at another; capital at one place and not capital at another place.
B.J.--Why, that becomes very mixed up.
U.S.--Only if you don't hold firmly to the definition. The loom that
preceded the Northrop loom was capital in New England so long as
the Northrop loom did not exist, because that predecessor was powerful
enough exclude competition; but just as soon as the Northrop loom
shall be thoroughly introduced, the old loom ceases to be capital
because the Northrop loom is much more powerful.
Likewise, If the old loom that ceased to be capital in New England
is shipped to some distant corner where the Northrop loom has not
been set up, it will there be capital, while in New England it would
not be.
B.J.--I can see that.
U.S.--Then take this illustration, which reduces the matter to dollars and
cents. thirty odd years ago $500 sufficed to set up a brewery in this
city. Ehret, the brewer, did so. That $500 represented the value of
the implements of a brewery and was capital then; today $500,000 would
be needed to set up a brewery with any chance as a competitor.
B.J.--I heard of that.
U.S.--But you did not digest its significance. Capital, especially today,
is such large aggregate of wealth as can defy competition in
production. the class that holds that is the capitalist class;
You had better not say "bother" about it, or you will get left as
Montojo did in Manila.
Transcribed by redflag 8/17/96
http://www.slp.org
SOCIALIST ECONOMICS IN DIALOGUE BY DANIEL DE LEON From the 1935 hardback edition published by New York Labor News Originally published in the Weekly People in 1900 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ DIALOGUE 2 DEFINITION OF CAPITAL
BROTHER JONATHAN steps up jauntily. UNCLE SAM--Hey! Ho! B.J.--Somebody gave me a nut for you to crack that will make all your Socialist science look like thirty cents. U.S.--Good! B.J.--It shows that your Socialist science is nothing but a tissue of contradictions. U.S.--Better still! B.J.--It shows that you Socialists do not know what you are talking about-- U.S.--But you're mighty long about trotting out your wonderful uncrackable nut. B.J.--All in due time. The nut will prove by logic that, if that which Socialists call "science" is really science, then labor, that is, the workingman, must be the capitalist; that the "exploiter" of whom we hear so much in Socialist harangues, must be some person outside of the two classes, whom labor is silly enough to permit itself to be exploited by. Sabe? That's what the nut will prove. U.S.--Out with your "nut," man! Out with it! B.J.--(Placing his arms akimbo)--Don't Socialists say that labor produces all wealth? U.S.--Yep! B.J.--Don't socialists say that, seeing that labor produces all wealth, labor is, therefore, entitled to the whole wealth? U.S.--Yep! B.J.--Don't Socialists say that exploitation is the cause of the struggle between capital and labor? U.S.--Yep--provided that by "capital" you mean in that sentence the capitalist class. The struggle is between the capitalist class and the working class. B.J.--That's what I mean. U.S.--Then, yep, again. B.J.--Now then, if labor produces all wealth and wealth is capital-- U.S.--Who said "wealth is capital"? B.J.--Let me finish my sentence.--If labor produces all wealth and wealth is capital, then it follows logically that labor must be the capitalist, and the exploiter some person outside the two classes. There now. Crack that! U.S.--Is your sentence now finished? B.J.(Radiant with pride)--It is--crack that nut! U.S. puts his hands to his hips, doubles up like a jack-knife and burst out laughing. B.J.(petulantly)--You can't bluff me with your roars! U.S.--Now I'll ask again: Who said wealth is capital? B.J.--Who? U.S.--Yes. B.J.--Don't Socialists say so? U.S.--Indeed not! See here--your name is Jonathan and are you a man? B.J.--Yes. U.S.--All Jonathans are men, but are all men Jonathans? B.J.--Guess not! U.S.--So with "wealth" and "capital." All "capital" is "wealth," but all "wealth" is not "capital." B.J.--Oh! U.S.--All things that are useful to man, and are the product of labor, are wealth, and that takes in the plants of production. Only that portion of wealth that is used for the production of more wealth, that is, the plants of production, becomes "capital" in capitalist society, so that all wealth is not "capital," although all capital is wealth. B.J.--Oh! U.S.--Your major premise being knocked out, what becomes of your conclusion? B.J.--Oh! U.S.--Labor produces all wealth. A portion of that wealth becomes, under capitalism, "capital". Capital is that portion of wealth which, being privately owned in a society where proletarians abound, is used to produce more wealth by a system that exploits the capital-less proletarians. Hence, although labor is the producer, it is not a person outside of the two classes. The exploiter is a person-- B.J.--Inside of the two classes! U.S.--And who is that inside person? B.J.--Why, the capitalist! U.S.--Now, Jonathan, you go straight to the fellow who put that nut into your head, and hold his head under the town pump.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ --Transcribed by redflag on 8/23/96. http://www.slp.org
SOCIALIST ECONOMICS IN DIALOGUE BY DANIEL DE LEON From the 1935 hardback edition published by New York Labor News Originally published in the Weekly People in 1900 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ DIALOGUE 3
THE BEST TOOL OF PRODUCTION.
BROTHER JONATHAN--I listened the other day to a Socialist speaker and I chuckled UNCLE SAM--Weren't you convinced? B.J.--Nay, nay! I chuckled at the way the man con- tradicted himself, and he did not even seem to know it. U.S.--How? What? In what way? B.J.--It was worth listening to him: he confirmed me in the belief that Socialists talk through their hats. U.S.--Oh, ho! B.J.--(With a cocksure wink)--Yes, siree. Here is what he said: "The solution of the social, or labor, pro- em, is the ownership by labor of the land on and the tools with which to work. Once master of the two, labor will be master of all the wealth it produces." U.S.--That's, pretty sound doctrine, and it will take more than any pot-bellied wiseacre like you to refute it, B.J.--(With increased cocksurcness)--Pot-belIied or not, I'll refute it with his own words. U.S.--Let 'er rip! B.J.--In the course of his address, before and after making that statement I just quoted, he referred to the farmers. U.S.--The small farmers? B.J.--Small or big matters not. U.S.--Eh! B.J.--And he showed very accurately that the farmer was being driven to the wall, and was growing poorer and poorer despite his industry. U.S.--And that is perfectly true of the small farmer. U.J.--You drive me out of all patience by talking "small fanner," "small farmer." What's the odds? U.S.--All the odds in the world- B.J.--Then you, too, contradict yourself. U.S.--You will have to be more explicit B.J.--I shall. The farmer, small or big, owns his land and his tools of production Now, then, if the owner- ship of these assures to a man the property in the products of his labor, then must the farmer, whether small or large, he well off. We know he is not, That is the contradiction in your theory, and there it goes. (B.J. sinks his hands deep into his trouser pockets, and puts on a now-ou-get- out-of-that-if-you-can look.) U.S.--Was that it? B.J.--That was it. U S.--Now, Jonathan, the trouble lay with you, and not with the Socialist speaker. You went to that meeting as you go to your prayer-meeting, to take a snooze, and you heard only one part of what he said. B.J.--Which part did I not hear? U.S.-You did not hear his explanation of the word "capital"--the modern tool of prodution. B.J.--Are not all tools capital? Is not an old style plow capital, as well as a steam plow? U.S.--No, sir. The value of Corn depends upon the labor necessary to produce it, the same as all other goods. B.J.--Very well. U.S.--If you and I produce corn with an old style plow, we must both put the same amount of labor into every bushel of corn that we produce. B.J.---Very well. U.S.--Then you can't undersell me, and 'can't under- sell you B.J.--That's so. U.S.--But now suppose that some farmer starts to work with a steam plow and such other large means of production How are we affected? B.J.--How? U.S.--With the steam plow and steam harvester work can be done quickly; larger tracts of land are necessary to employ the machine on. Without the machine you and I can't cover large acres. With the machine, thousands of acres can be covered with less labor than without it. The production of corn becomes more plentiful, the amount of labor that is then put into each bushel is less. You admit that the value of the bushel depends upon the labor re- quired in its production. Consequently, the farmer with the steam appliances can undersell us. If before we got $1 per bushel, we can now get only fifty cents. Am I right? B.J.--Hem! U.S.--Where are we then? B.J.'s brow puckers U. S.~Now, gct back a moment. When you and I plowed our land with old style plows upon the little patches which we would cover with the old style tool, didn't we have the bulge on somebody? B.J.--Not that I know 0f U.S.--You don't? What about our farm hands! the fellows who had neither land nor plow? B.J.--Why, we hired them. U.S.--Yes, we "hired" them. Was their hire equal to what they produced? B.J.--'Course not. The idea of giving a hired man as much as he produces! Of what benefit would he be to us? U.S.--Right you are. No employer hires a man un- less that man will produce more than he receives. Do you imagine a man likes to produce two dollars' worth of corn, and only receive in payment one dollar? B.J.--(Shaking his bead from right to left)--Rekon not. U.S.--Now, what is it that induced such a man to take a position under which he was skinned? What gave us the bulge on him? B.J. Contemplates a man on the other end of the street who is whipping his horse. U.S.--What drove him to that? B.J.--Hunger, I guess. U.S.--The long and short of it is that the farm hand, then as now, had not and has not the necessities of produc- tion. B.J.--But land was cheap, he could get that. U.S.--Yes, but land alone, without the tools of pro- duction, is valueless. B.J. (With a nod expressive of esperience)--True enough. U, S-There is where we had the bulge on him. Now just consider this: Our old style plows were much simpler than the steam plow. A man might, if he could keep him- self alive in the meantime, make an old style plow himself In a few months Even in those olden days, when the tool in general use was so much simpler, the man who didn't have it had to hire himself to be plucked for the sake of a living. That being the case, what chance have small fry farmers, such as you and I, today, when we hare to com- pete with the steam plow? B.J. Looks decidedly despondent. U.S.--The steam plow and other such appliances re- duce the amount of labor that there is in each bushel, and thereby reduce the amount of wealth we can get. Former- ly even when the plow and harvester, etc., were so much simpler, the man without them could not make them for himself, and had to become a wage slave and put up with wages less than what he produced. Today when the tool is the stean plow, etc., which none of us can think of pro' ducing in a lifetirne, where are we? B.J.--Busted! U.S.--Yes, there is where the large farmer got the bulge on us. Do you now understand what 'capital" means? That steam plow, that modern machinery of production, is "capital" The simpler plow was "capital" in years gone by only to the man who had no plow; now "capital" has grown, and the modern plow, harvester, etc., is "capi- tal" not only to the man who has none, but to us who have the former "capital"--the old style plow. "Capi- tal" is originally that machinery of production which dis- able those who have none at all from working for them- selves; presently, "capital" the tool, becomes more power- ful, and it not only disables more completely those who have none from working for themselves-- B.J.--(Taking sudden alarm)~By Jericho. It also disables those who have smaller tools from competing with it! U.S.--It breaks them-- B.J.--Rips them wide open-- U.S.--Throws them into bankruptcy- B.J.--Makes wage slaves out of them. U.S.--Yes, yes. Of what use to us are such tools as we farmers have? B.J.--They are not worth a tinker's dam! U.S.--Do you see he difrerence between the small farmer and the big one? B.J.--Why, of course! U S-And don't you see that to talk of us as having "capital" is empty mockery or stupidity? B.J.--So it is! U.S.--And that to say, as you said before, that "we have tools" is folly? B.J.--Well, I must have been asleep U.S.--Indeed, you must have been, Our tools are no longer "capital" they are not even "property" worth the name. They are a delusion of "property" We are sink- ing, together with the small industrialists! because we do not possess *the* tool of production that is now capital. Hence, the little wealth we produce shrivels in our hands. If that little wealth shrivels in our hands, how much more must not the wealth shrivel in the hands of the unfortunate man who hires himself out because he has no tools what- ever--the workingman? B.J.--The first time I meet that Socialist lecturer again, I am gong to tender him my apologies. I see it all. He was right. Without the tool of production man is not master of the wealth he creates. U.S.--And the tool of production needed to secure such masterhood-- B.J.-Is *capital*--that is, the best tool in operation; none other deserves consideration. U.S.-You've got it now. Don't let it go, and impart the knowledge to others. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ --Transcribed by redflag on 3/14/98 http://www.slp.org
SOCIALIST ECONOMICS IN DIALOGUE BY DANIEL DE LEON From the 1935 hardback edition published by New York Labor News Originally published in the Weekly People in 1900 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ DIALOGUE 4
EXCHANGE VALUE DEFINED.
BROTHER JONATHAN--I have frequently heard you use the term "exchange value." Now, I wish you would remem- ber that I am no college professor, but a plain workingman. What does that term mean In English? UNCLE SAM--And before going further I wish you to remember that one need not be a "college professor" to buckle down to the common sense proposition that, if he wants to talk intelligently on a scientific question, he must use and understand technical terms. B.J.--But can't you use some other and plainer word? U.S.--Could you not use some other word than "shuttle" or "woof," when you speak of weaving? B.J.-Yes, I could, but it would be clumsy to do so, and then one might be misunderstood. If you say "shuttle" or "woof" you are understood without the peradventure of a mistake. U.S.--And that is just why, when talking economics, every sensible man, from the most poetic, like Lassalle, down to the plainest, must use the term "exchange value" instead of some roundabout phrase. B.J.--Well, let it be so. What does the thing mean? U.S.--If you took thirty yards of your cloth to market and wished to have wheat, you would be willing to exchange the cloth for wheat, would you not? B.J.--Yes. U.S.--Would you be willing to give all the thirty yards for one bushel of wheat? B.J.--Are you crazy? U.S.--Not yet. Would you? B.J.--Not much, I wouldn't. U.S.--Why not? B.J.--Because my thirty yards of cloth are worth $21, while a bushel of wheat is worth only 70 cents. U.S.--Now, then, the "exchange value" of one yard of your cloth is one bushel of wheat; and the exchange value of one bushel of wheat is one yard of your cloth. "Ex- change value" means that quantity of value that goods have, and for which they may be exchanged. B.J. (Looking astonished)--Now, that beats all I ever saw The thing is simple. I imagined it was some very pro- found thing, that "exchange value." I see, however, that there is nothing particular about it. I wonder why you and all Socialists talk so much about it. U.S.--Because thereby hang all the prophets and the law, so to speak. B.J.--I can't imagine that. U.S.--I'll show you. Why are you willing to exchange one yard of your cloth for one bushel of wheat, and thirty yards of your cloth for thirty bushels of wheat? B.J.--Because they are worth the same thing. U.S.--And why are they worth the same thing? B.J.--Because...why...yes...because...why, don't you know? U.S.--I do; but do you? B.J.--Well...yes...because...why, of course... U.S.--Don't flounder. Just because the quantity of la- bor present society needs to produce a bushel of wheat is the same as the quantity of labor present society needs to pro- duce a yard of your cloth. B.J.--Very well. What of it? U.S.--A good deal. This is the pivot upon which the whole social question revolves. B.J. (Astonished)--You don't mean to say so! U.S.--I do. Suppose someone starts a large farm and applies improved machinery, and is able to turn out two bushels of wheat in the time and with the labor with which the farmer now turns out one bushel, would you be willing to continue to exchange one yard of your cloth for one bushel of wheat? B.J. (With indignation)--Indeed I would not! U.S.--You would want-- B.J.--Every bit of two bushels. U.S.--Do you realize why? B.J.--Well, I guess on the principle you just mentioned --the amount of labor society requires to produce one yard of my cloth is equal to the quantity of labor required to pro- duce two bushels of wheat. U.S.--Correct I The exchange value of one yard has become equal to two bushels. And suppose the method of producing wheat were further perfected, and ten bushels were turned out in the same time that it formerly took to turn out one? B.J. (Beating his hands with glee)--That would be bully! I would then get ten bushels per yard of cloth. The exchange value of my cloth would be equal to ten bushels. U.S.--And if one hundred bushels were turned out in the time it now takes to turn out one? B.J.--Bullier yet! I would get one hundred bushels per yard; that would be the exchange value of one yard of my cloth. U.S.--You are joyful before season. Don't you see whither that tends? B.J.--No. U.S.--Let us turn the tables around. Suppose someone starts weaving with a better machine than yours and. turns out two yards in the same time it takes you to turn out one, do you imagine the farmer would let you have a whole bushel of wheat for one yard of your cloth? B.J.'s face begins to fall. U.S.--Would he? B.J.--No. U.S.--How much will he let you have? B.J.--Guess only half a bushel. U.S.--Why? B.J.--Because that has become the exchange value of his bushel of wheat. U.S.--And suppose the competing weaver turns out ten yards with his machine while you are turning out only one, what would then be the exchange value of the goods of you and the farmer? B.J.--One yard of my cloth would be worth one-tenth of a busheL U.S.--And if your competitor turned out one hundred yards to your one? B.J. (With a decidedly sad look on him)--I would starve. U.S.--Why? B.J.--Because one yard of my goods would be worth only one-hundredth bushel, and I could not then produce fast enough to keep me in food. U.S.--Do you now see whither all that tends? B.J.--I have an idea I do. U.S.--Whither ddes it tend? B.J.--It tends to my ruin. U.S.--Let us state the case more pointedly: The law of exchange value demonstrates that the more perfect machinery becomes-- B.J.--The less labor is spent in the production of a single thing-- U.S.--And, consequently, that he who has not the requisite capital or machinery to produce with-- B.J.--Can't compete with him who has. U.S.--And the result is that he must be ruined. The new Northrop loom, for instance, will throw you on your back the same as perfected machinery has thrown every small competitor on his back. Now, do you see all there is in that simple law of "exchange value"? B.J. (Heaves a deep sigh)--Guess I do now. U.S.--The law of exchange value is a cardinal law of economics. It should be carried before the eyes as the Jews carry their phylacteries. It must never be lost sight of. If you lose sight of it for a moment, your whole reasoning cap- sizes. Labor, the quantity of labor society needs to produce goods with, establishes the exchange value of these goods. From that fact follows inevitably: 1. That the less labor society needs for the production of anything, all the less is its exchange value; 2. That machinery, because it increases production and the productive power of labor, causes the exchange value of goods to decline; 3. That, as a result of this, those who cannot produce with machinery as perfect as the most perfect, are unable long to compete with him who can, because the exchange value of the goods produced by him is so much less that he can undersell the others and drive them out of the market; 4. That the small man is hopelessly lost, whether on farm or in factory; 5. That the price the 'vorker can get for his labor power steadily declines-all the advantages of increased production of wealth falling to the capitalists, i.e., to those who hold possession of the perfected machine; 6. That the masses, unable to earn their living, because deprived of the instruments socially necessary to produce wealth, are bound to become more and more dependent upon the capitalists; and 7. That nothing short of placing in the hands of the workers the machinery and the land they need for produc- tion wilt in the remotest way do them any good. Otherwise they will decline steadily and inevitably. B.J. (Giving Uncle Sam his hand)--You were right. Technical language is a necessity in dealing with such ques- tions. I now see it all as on a map. The law of exchange value settles the question. We may flounder about as we like for an escape from the increasingly tighter fix into which we are getting, but no scheme will bring help. The law of exchange value settles it. We must move on toward Social- ism. That or death. U.S.--And now you realize the wisdom of the Social- ists to hammer upon that point. B.J.--Fully. Only by constant hammering will that truth finally stick in our noodles. With it we will move on and conquer; without it we shall flounder about as I did at first. Hammer, Uncle Sam, hammer away!
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ --Transcribed by redflag on 3/18/98 http://www.slp.org
SOCIALIST ECONOMICS IN DIALOGUE BY DANIEL DE LEON From the 1935 hardback edition published by New York Labor News Originally published in the Weekly People in 1900 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ "The laborer is the owner of hislabor power until he has done bar- gaining for its sale with the capitalist, and he can sell no more than what he has--i.e., his individual, isolated labor power." --Karl Marx.
DIALOGUE 5
THE LABOR MARKET.
BROTHER JONATHAN--You can't imagine what I heard
a Socialist Labor Party organizer say the other night.
UNCLE SAM--Something worth white listening to, I'll
warrant.
B.J.--Quite the contrary! He was trying to make
his audience believe that under the present system we were
all slaves--wage slaves I think he called us; that we were
sold in the market like pork, beef and shoes, and a lot more
such rot. Now, you don't believe all that stuff and non-
sense, do you?
U.S.--Why, certainly, I do. Every fact in economics
bears it out.
B.J.--Wbat, *you* believe that you are a slave; that
you are bought and sold?
U.S.--Yes, my man, let's be sensible and not allow
our vanities to blind us to our own undoing. We are mer-
chandise just as are pork and beef; we are sold in the mar-
ket just as are shoes and stockings; we are enslaved. Look
as you may into the works of our Revolutionary Fathers,
never once will you come across the term "labor market."
The workingrnan was not then merchandise. Opportunities
--natural and social--were then open to all; each man
could be, and was, the architect of his own fortune, or mis-
fortune. In those days, had anyone used the term "labor
market," he would have been understood as little as if he
had used the word "monoplane"; neither of the two was
yet in existence. Like the latter, so is the term "labor mar-
ket" a subsequent development, and that development is
indicated by the pregnant expression "labor market"--we
are enslaved.
B.J.--Then all that was gained by the Revolutionary
and Civil Wars is lost again?
U.S.--But not beyond recall. Our slavery a hundred
and odd years ago arose from our political dependence
upon a foreign power; accordingly, our freedom at that
time had to be gained by our asserting our independence.
Now, then, today our slavery arises from the circumstance
of our being merchandise lying on the shelves of the mar-
ket--along with beef and pork and potatoes; accordingly,
our freedom from this new bondage must be gained by our
stripping ourselves away from the economic companionship
of pork and beef, and shoes and leather, and all other mer-
chandise; we must dare to claim our rights and perform
our duties as men, as human being's. To do that now, we
must overthrow the present tyrant class--the capitalist
class--and the present tyrant system--the capitalist or
wage slavery system--and set up the Socialist Republic
where the instruments of production shall be owned by all;
and thus all who work may be free. Fall to, Jonathan.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
--Transcribed by redflag on 3/19/98
http://www.slp.org
SOCIALIST ECONOMICS IN DIALOGUE BY DANIEL DE LEON From the 1935 hardback edition published by New York Labor News Originally published in the Weekly People in 1900 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ DIALOGUE 6
LABOR A MERCHANDISE.
BROTHER JONATHAN-To me it is clear that the Social-
ists have no logic in them. How they do contradict them-
selves! Any man of average intelligence could see that.
UNCLE SAM--I wish you would aid me with your intelligence,
because I don't see the contradictions you speak of.
B.J.--Don't Socialists claim that the wages of the
workers represent the market price of labor?
U.S.--Yes.
B.J.--And don't they say that this cheapening of the
price of labor comes from the cheaper price of the things
needed to produce labor power?
U.S.--Yes. I see no contradiction in this.
B.J.--Neither do I. That's all right. But I claim that
it is illogical, after one has said all this, to claim that,
therefore, the workingman shall have all the wealth. I call
it illogical to say first that the price of labor is going
down and then claim that the reward of labor should go up.
U.S.--The logic of that is all right, the trouble with
you is that you don't understand all you say.
B.J.--I don't?
U.S.--No. The price of labor declines where labor is
a merchandise. Under the capitalist system labor is not clad
with the attributes of humanity; it is simply a merchandise.
If your finger is in the fire What happens?
B.J.--It burns.
U.S.--And if you leave it there it will burn to nothing, eh?
B.J.--Guess so.
U.S.--Because your finger will burn to nothing in a flame,
therefore is it illogical for you to want to keep your
whole finger?
B.J.--No; that would not be illogical.
U.S.--No more is it illogical for the working class,
who in the flame of capitalism will be consumed, to want to
pull out and keep whole.
B.J.--How?
U.S.--When the Socialists say that just because the price of
labor is bound to decline, therefore the worker must
keep all he produces, it is just like saying that just
because under the capitalist system labor is a merchandise,
labor must pull out or destroy the capitalist system, cease
to be a merchandise, and become human and enjoy all that man
is entitled to. Is that gun spiked?
B.J. remains silent.
U.S.--Having ripped you on that side, I'll rip you up
on another side.
B.J.--But one side will do.
U.S.--No; when a fellow knows he knows as little as
you do on these things and yet he will impertinently shoot
off his mouth, he must be thoroughly thrashed. So here goes.
The worker does some kind of work-in fact, he does it all;
so or not so?
B.J.--'Tis so.
U.S.--The capitalist class does no manner of work; so
or not so?
B.J.--'Tis so.
U.S.--It follows that, even though actually the ser-
vices of the working class were becoming less valuable, the
working class is entitled to the whole of the wealth because
it does the work, while the capitalist class now renders no
services whatever, and consequently it is wholly a valueless
class. Now, go to bed, Jonathan.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
--Transcribed by redflag on 3/31/98
http://www.slp.org
SOCIALIST ECONOMICS IN DIALOGUE BY DANIEL DE LEON From the 1935 hardback edition published by New York Labor News Originally published in the Weekly People in 1900 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ DIALOGUE 7
THE COMMODITY LABOR POWER.
UNCLE SAM--I hope, Jonathan, that this election you will strike a blow for freedom and vote the Socialist Labor Party ticket straight down. BROTHER JONATHAN--No, I won't. U.S.--You prefer to remain in wage slavery? B.J.--I can t remain in what I am not. I am not a slave, "wage" or otherwise. U.S.--Oh, you innocent abroad! B.J.--See here, you Socialists would do a good deal better if you did not exaggerate. This calling of people "slaves" does you no good. No man here is a slave. No one will believe you. Stick to reforms, and don't try to be radical, especially where there is nothing to be radical about. We are free, not slaves. U.S.--Are you through with your assertions? B.J.--Quite through. U.S.--Now answer me a few questions. B.J. (With a cocksure toss of the head)--As many as you like. U.S.--What does that baker over there live by? B.J.--He lives by selling bread. U.S.--And that hatter across the way? B.J.--By selling hats. U.S.--And yonder woman at the fruit-stand? B.J.--By selling fruit. U.S.--And that motorman on the car that just went by? B.J. (Looking puzzled for a while)--He? Hem! Why, he lives on his wages. U.S.--Do wages grow on him like apples on apple trees? B.J.--How you talk! Wages don't "grow" on him, he receives wages from his employer. U.S.--The same as the baker receives pay for his bread from his customers? B.J.--Just the same. U.S.--And the same as the hatter receives pay for his hat from his customers? B.J.--Yes. U.S.--And the same as that woman at the fruit-stand receives pay for her fruit from her customers? B.J.--Just the same. U.S.--Accordingly that motorman has a customer, and has a merchandise that he sells to the customer. B.J.--Yes, his customer is his employer. U.S.--And what is the merchandise he sells? B.J.--His labor. U.S.--Just so. The motorman's merchandise is labor power. By selling the merchandise of their trade people live. Not so? B.J.--Why, yes. Everybody knows that. U.S.--Now, let us look at these owners of merchandise and their stock in trade a little closer. You see that baker? B.J.--Yes. U.S.--If he were to die, would his merchandise bread die with him? B.J. (Derisively)--No. U.S.--And if his merchandise bread were to be de- stroyed, would that kill him? B.J.--Nonsense! It wouldn't. U.S.--And that hatter, say he died, would that kill his hats? B.J.--Not a bit! U.S.--And if his hats were to burn up, would that burn him up? B.J.--No, sir! U.S.--And what about that fruit woman. Would she rot, if her fruit rotted? B.J.--Not necessarily. U.S.--Nor would her fruit turn into angels in heaven if she cashed in her checks. B.J.--No, it wouldn't. U.S.--And now take up that motorman once more. Say that he died, would that affect his merchandise labor power? B.J. (Begins to realize that something is up)--Affect his labor power? Why, of course it would affect it. His labor power would be gone. U.S.--And say his merchandise labor power were de- stroyed, what of him? B.J. (Meditatively)--That would cook his goose! U.S.--Now, I guess, we have facts enough in court. People live by selling their merchandise. The only mer- chandise of the workingman is labor power. That merchan- dise differs from all others. All other merchandise is out- side of its seller. This merchandise is inside of the seller; it is interwoven in all his tissues; it is part and parcel of him. You have admitted all this. Now, sir, when the workingman sells his merchandise labor power, does he or does he not SELL HIMSELF? B.J. (With bulging eyes)--Right you are! He sells himself. U.S.--Is he slave or not? B.J.--I can't deny it. U.S.--Is there then a condition of slavery out of which he should try to get? B.J.--There is! U.S.--From now on, till election day and down to the moment that you cast your vote, just think of this proposi- tion: "Shall I vote for the Republicans or Democrats, when both uphold the social system that condemns me to wage slavery? Or shall I vote the Socialist Labor Party ticket and strike a blow for freedom?" Think it out. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ --Transcribed by redflag on 4/7/98 http://www.slp.org
SOCIALIST ECONOMICS IN DIALOGUE BY DANIEL DE LEON From the 1935 hardback edition published by New York Labor News Originally published in the Weekly People in 1900 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ DIALOGUE 8
WHEN THINGS ARE CHEAP, LABOR IS CHEAP.
BROTHER JONATHAN--As things look to me, rather
than running down we are on the highway to unthinkable
happiness. Just think of it, how cheap things are getting!
UNCLE SAM--You are right or wrong, according as you
mean the right or wrong thing by what you say. You are
right that this general cheapness will urge on the crash that
must precede the leap forward to happiness; but you are
wrong if you mean that cheapness is in itself a good thing.
B.J. (Taking four twenty-five cent pieces out of his
pocket)--How impractical you Socialists are! Here I have
four quarters. When things were dear I needed all four to
buy me a hat; now I can get a hat for only two of them; I
am two quarters richer. If hats become still cheaper, I get
me a hat for only one quarter, and then I am in three quar-
ters. This goes right straight along; prices go down and I
keep more and more money for myself. Isn't that prancing
at the double-quick toward prosperity?
U.S.--Your mathematics of political economy are all
in a "pi." (Taking the four quarters out of B. J.'s hands
and spreading them in his left hand.) I have here four quar-
ters; hats are dear; they cost $1; I buy me one (throws the
four quarters into his right hand) have I any left?
B.J.--No; I said so.
U.S. (Puts three out of the four quarters into his left
hand)--I have three quarters; hats are cheaper; they cost
only seventy-five cents; I buy me one (throws the three quar-
ters back into his right hand) ; have I any left?
B.J.--No.
U.S.--I'm no better off than when hats cost $1.
B.J.--Yes; but--
U.S.--Shut up. (Puts one out of the four quarters into
his left hand.) I have one quarter; hats are cheaper yet,
cost only twenty-five cents; I buy me one (throws the quarter
back into his right hand) ; have I any left?
B.J.--No.
U.S.--I'm no better off than when hats cost $1 or
seventy-five cents.
B.J.--Yes, but--
U.S.--Shut up, I say. (Spreads all the four quarters
again in his left hand.) I have four quarters, hats are dear,
they cost $1; I buy me one (throws the quarters into his
right hand) ; have I any left?
B.J.--Why, no.
U.S. (Puts two quarters in his left hand)--I have two
quarters, hats are cheaper; they cost only seventy-five cents;
I would like to buy one; can I buy with fifty cents a cheaper
hat that costs seventy-five cents.
B.J.--No, but--
U.S.--No "buts." The moral of the story is here for
Whig and Tory. For the wage earner, and you are a wage
earner, to judge of his chances of prosperity it is not enough
for him to consider the decline in the price of things he
needs, he must also consider step by step the wages he re-
ceives to buy things with. Cheap goods and cheap wages
leave you with your nose to the grindstone; cheap goods
and cheaper wages grind your nose worse. And thereby
hangs the important law of wages.
B.J.--The "law of wages"! I have heard that mentioned. What is it?
U.S.--In the capitalist system labor is a merchandise,
just as hats. The price of hats depends upon the supply
thereof and the demand therefor. If the supply of hats is
larger than the demand, the price will go down. So with
labor. The larger the supply and the lower the demand, the
lower also is the price of labor, or the wages of the worker.
Under the capitalist system, the relative demand for labor
steadily goes down. Machinery displaces the workers, and
the concentration of capitalist concerns throws wage earners
out of work. Nor is this all. Middle class men, unable to
compete with larger capitalists, drop into the class of the
proletariat and by so much increase the supply of those who
seek work above the demand. Consequently, the wages of
the working class steadily go down. That's the same as say-
ing that the money they receive, and with which they must
make their purchases, is steadily less. In view of this, it
matters not how cheap goods become. The workers cannot
profit thereby, because their wages keep pace and even out-
run other goods in cheapness. Goods are becoming cheaper
and cheaper because machinery produces them more plen-
tifully; but hand in hand with that, labor becomes still
cheaper and cheaper.
B.J. looks petrified.
U.S.--The great cheapening of goods, so far from denoting
that the workers "are prancing at the double-quick
toward prosperity," denotes that we are galloping at the
double-quick toward the social crash. Get from under!
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
--Transcribed by redflag on 4/7/98
http://www.slp.org
SOCIALIST ECONOMICS IN DIALOGUE BY DANIEL DE LEON From the 1935 hardback edition published by New York Labor News Originally published in the Weekly People in 1900 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ DIALOGUE 9
WAGES MUST FALL WITH PRICES OF OTHER COMMODITIES.
UNCLE SAM--Where are you going in such a hurry?
BROTHER JONATHAN--I'm a picket; our shop is on
strike; I have to do picket duty.
U.S.--And what is all the trouble about?
B.J.--Our wages have been lowered.
U.S.--Any ground given for that?
B.J.--It is just the "ground given" that makes us hot
in the collar. What do you imagine that blasted employer
has the cheek to give as the "ground" for the cut-down?
U.S.--Well, what is that ground?
B.J.--That there is now a larger supply of labor than
before, and he can get labor cheaper than what he pays us.
U.S.--You don't suppose I love employers, do you?
B.J.--I know you don't.
U.S.--You don't suppose I am anxious to take their
part, do you?
B.J.--I know you are not; you have fought them too
long for that.
U.S.--As you know me well enough for that, I shall be
all the freer to tell you that it is not your employer who
has "cheek," but YOU.
B.J.--Do you mean to say that we should have our
wages reduced?
U.S.--Indeed not!
B.J.--Did you not always claim that the capitalist
robs us workers of three-quarters of what we produce?
U.S.--That's just what I have always claimed and
proved.
B.J. (Very angry)--Then, how on earth can you say
we are "cheeky" for striking against a reduction?
U.S.--I'll tell you. What was the price of wheat some
fourteen months ago?
B.J.--Thirty cents a bushel, I think.
U.S.--Yes. And what is it now?
B.J.--Something like a dollar.
U.S.--Correct. When it was thirty cents a bushel,
could the farmer get a dollar for it?
B.J.--No.
U.S.--But he can now?
B.J.--Yes.
U.S.--Why now, and not then?
B.J.--Why, you know. A year ago the supply of
wheat was plentiful, it was 'way above the demand; since
then, owing to the failure of the crops on large foreign
fields, the supply has gone down and it is now 'way below
the demand. That's the "why."
U.S.--Now, suppose a bushel of wheat, at the time it
was thirty cents, to have "struck" against being sold so low.
Suppose, when a purchaser offered thirty cents for it, it had
said: "You have a cheek to think you could get me so
cheap!"
B.J.--The bushel would have been supremely ridiculous.
U.S.--Why?
B.J. (Sententiously)--It is a merchandise; and the
price of merchandise is governed by the relation there is
between the supply of and the demand for it. The lower the
supply and the higher the demand, the higher the price; the
higher the supply and the lower the demand, the lower the
price. That's the "why."
U.S.--Jonathan, you are almost fit to be a professor
of political economy.
B.J.--But we workingmen are not merchandise, see?
U.S.--You now confirm my belief that you are fit for
a professorship. You have got hold of just enough truth,
and have not let go of such vast areas of nonsense, as to
qualify you for a seat in any of our capitalist universities.
The workingman IS a merchandise under this capitalist sys-
tem. That is just one of the leading features of the sys-
tem. Our wages range like the price of any other merchan-
dise. Machinery, owned as private property by the capital-
ist, who steals it from us, displaces labor; that renders the
supply of labor ever larger than the demand; and that low-
ers, must steadily lower, our wages.
B.J.--Then we might as well commit suicide and be
done with.
U.S.--That, certainly, would be much more sensible
than to go on as you do now. Now you vote with the Dem-
ocrats one year, with the Republicans another, which means
that you vote regularly every year for the capitalist system,
for the system that lowers you to the level of merchandise.
By upholding that system, you fetter yourself down to the
laws that govern the price of merchandise and that are
bound steadily to lower your price. When in one breath you
uphold capitalism, and in another you try to resist it, you
act like a simpleton. Now, stop fooling; turn Socialist;
vote the Socialist Labor Party ticket straight.[*]
It demands the overthrow of the system that makes you a
merchandise. Then, indeed, you would strike to a purpose.
[*],This was written in 1898, six years before the speech on the "Burning Question of Trades Unionism," and seven years before the Organization of the original I.W.W., with the organization of which De Leon completed his theory of Industrial Government, demonstrating that the real revolutionary power of the working class lay in the integral Industrial Union of the useful workers of the land. Up to this time the only revolutionary method conceivable was to vote capitalism out of existence and then take a chance on whatever phys- ical force would present itself at the revolutionary moment to enforce the new law of the land--the law that would make private property in the means of life illegal--and keep the quondam capitalists on their good behavior till they could be redeemed by being put to useful work. Nevertheless, it should be borne in mind that the idea of the revolu- tionary industrial power of the workers was not a notion that came to De Leon out of a clear sky, nor as the direct result of the organization of the I.W.W. Rather the organiaation of the I.W.W. was the fulfilment of theories that had for some time been growing in tbe Socialist Labor Party and were persistently propagated by It. As early as 1896, in the "Reform or Revolution" speech, De Leon laid down the principle that economic and political organizations of the workers were equally impor- tant and that to ignone either was to leave "a duck flying with one wing." In 1898, in "What Means This Strike?", De Leon emphasized strongly the necessity of economic action by the workers. With the organization of the Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance in 1895, and its endorsement by the Socialist Labor Party, the Party had committed itself definitely to this policy. From then on "pure and simple political Socialism" appeared and became active, blossoming finally into the Social Democracy, later the Socialist party, a definitely bourgeois reform organization, like its sister organization, the Social Democracy of Europe, developing in time into a "huge machine for lying about Socialism." In the meantime the S.L.P. became more and more soundly revolutionary, laying its revolutionary basis in the economic interest and power of the working class--the eventual ownership, control and operation of the means of production. Long before the I.W.W., the S.L.P. agitator used and popularized the phrases, "Organize the shop from top to bottom," "The worker alone runs industry," "Economic power, which lies in the means of production, is the foundation of all power."
This, however, does not alter the soundness of the principle laid down in this dialogue. The political party of Socialism, the Socialist Labor Party, is still the instrument through which the revolutionary working class must make its attack on the legal and social entrenchment of the capitalist robber class. The economic power, the Industrial Union organization, is the organized Might with which the Right, the fiat of the ballot box, must be backed up. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ --Transcribed by redflag on 4/15/98 http://www.slp.org
SOCIALIST ECONOMICS IN DIALOGUE BY DANIEL DE LEON From the 1935 hardback edition published by New York Labor News Originally published in the Weekly People in 1900 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ DIALOGUE 10
GRADUAL DECLINE OF THE VALUE OF LABOR POWER.
UNCLE SAM--Jonathan, what have you been up to?
What mean those black rings around your eyes? What
means that sad, dejected face you have on?
BROTHER JONATHAN-It means a lot. Ever since the
talk I had with you about wages and workingmen, I have
felt unspeakably distressed. The more I have thought upon
what you said, the deeper have I sunk into the dumps.
U.S.--What I said!?
B.J.--Yes. Don't you remember you explained to me
the law of wages?
U.S.--I do. Does that throw you into the dumps? It
should, on the contrary, give you hope and inspiration.
B.J.--Hope and inspiration be hanged! I conclude
from that law of wages that there is no salvation for all the
workingmen. That the best that can be done is to save some.
And that the only way of saving these is to drown the others,
as you do superfluous puppies.
U.S.--Why, no, man. You're off. Cheer up!
B.J.--Did you not say that labor is a merchandise like
any other?
U.S.--Yes; 'tis that under the capitalist system.
B.J.--Did you not say that the price of merchandise
is determined by the supply of and the demand for it; the
larger the supply and the lower the demand, the lower
being the price?
U.S.--So I did.
B.J.--And that the supply of the merchandise labor
was outstripping the demand for it by reason of labor-
displacing machines and the concentration of capital?
U.S.--Exactly.
B.J.--And that the price of the merchandise labor, to
wit, the wages of the workingman, was getting and of
necessity had to get lower and lower?
U.S.--Just so.
B.J.--"Just so"? And yet you snickersnack about
"hope and inspiration"! If, as I cannot deny, the supply
of labor is growing more and more in excess of the demand,
those for whom there is still a demand won't be able to keep
up their wages unless the superfluous ones are killed off,
killed off as fast as they become superfluous.
U.S.--I see, I see.
B.J.--Am I right?
U.S.--No, my boy. My presentation of the law of
wages last week was correct as far as it went, though it was
not complete.
B.J.--Complete it quickly, if there is "hope and
inspiration" in it!
U.S.--The expression "supply and demand determines
prices" is correct enough, but it is a superficial statement.
Look here. If ten years ago you could turn out twenty pairs
of shoes in one week, and today you can turn out with the
machine forty pairs, has not the supply increased?
B.J.--It has.
U.S.--And is there not in these forty pairs as much
labor as in the twenty pairs of ten years ago?
B.J.--Yes; they are both produced in equal time.
U.S.--Does it not then follow that the value of forty
pairs is now equal to that of twenty pairs before?
B.J.--Yes.
U.S.--And, consequently, one pair today is equal to
half the value of one pair before?
B.J.--Yes.
U.S.--To condense all this in short sentences, we have
this law:
The value of merchandise depends upon the amount of
labor that, at a given time, society needs to produce it;
The larger the quantity of an article, the less is the labor
needed to produce it;
Consequently, when the supply is large it is an evidence
that the labor needed to produce the article is comparatively
small;
Improved machinery renders work more fruitful; the
more machinery is improved, the larger is production, and
the smaller is the quantity of labor in each article;
Consequently, machinery lowers the value of merchandise;
The price of an article is the cash it fetches in the
market; a number of causes may affect the price, sending
it up above, or down below, its value; but in the long run
"price"and "value" will equalize, and both tend downward
by reason of the decreased quantity of labor that improved
methods of production require in each article--
B.J.--I'll be hanged if I can see what you are driving at.
U.S.--Postpone the hanging; there is always time for
that. In the meantime, if you want to learn the important
law of wages, you will have to pay close attention. It
requires closer attention than the reading of how Jim Sykes
just landed a "roaster" on Mike Dolan's "smeller"; and,
withal, it is of infinitely greater value that you do learn
it; it may save your neck. Did you understand me as far as I
went?
B.J.--Yes.
U.S.--What did I say?
B.J.--The substance and gist of it was that the value
and price of goods go down because their value depends
upon the amount of labor required to produce them, and
improved machinery steadily lowered that amount of labor,
because such machinery increased the quantity of goods that
can be produced in a given time.
U.S. (Slapping B. J. heartily on the shoulder)--You
are an apt pupil; I don't think that you will need to hang or
drown. Now, listen further:
Under capitalism, labor is a merchandise;
The fate of all merchandise is the fate of the merchandise
labor;
Machinery lowers the value of all other goods;
The reason that it does so is that it requires less labor to
produce the goods;
Labor, that is to say, the power to work, needs goods to
keep it up; it needs food, clothing, etc.; to use a broad
expression, goods, wares and merchandise are needed to
produce labor power;
The cheaper the value of these goods, wares and merchandise
becomes, the cheaper must also become the value
of the labor power which they produce;
Consequently, the merchandise labor power is bound to
decline in value step by step with the decline of the value
of all other goods--
B.J.--You are getting me mixed up; first you talked
of "labor," and now you have switched off to "labor power."
U.S. (Chucking B. j. under the chin) )--Keep up the
character I gave you for an apt pupil, and don't shoot off
your mouth. I was coming to your question. Listen
carefully:
The capitalist is the holder and seller of all merchandise
but one;
The exception is the merchandise "labor power"; he
does not sell that, he only buys it;
The holder of the merchandise labor power, the power
to work and produce, is the workingman;
But this merchandise differs from all other merchandise
in many particulars;
One particular is this: All other merchandise is outside
of the body of the holder, the capitalist; the merchandise
labor power, on the contrary, is inside of the body of its
holder, the workingman;
Accordingly, the merchandise labor power is part and
parcel of its holder and seller, the workingman, while no
other merchandise is part and parcel of its holder, the
capitalist--
B.J.'s eyes begin to swim.
U.S.--The merchandise held by a capitalist may burn
down and the capitalist need not burn with it; but if the
merchandise held by the workingman, his labor power, is
consumed, he perishes along with it;
And, conversely, a capitalist may die of overfeeding and
yet his goods, wares and merchandise remain free from the
affliction, they may fetch big prices and fulfil their mission
undisturbed; but if a workingman dies of starvation, or is
prostrated by overwork or otherwise, his merchandise labor
power becomes useless, unavailable, unable to fulfil its
functions;
For all practical and sociologic purposes labor and labor
power are one, the workingman and his special merchandise
are inseparable.
B.J. (His eyes glistening)--I see that!
U.S.--The fate of the owner of the merchandise labor
power is the fate of the merchandise itself; as the
merchandise labor power is bound to decline in value step
by step with the decline of the value of all other goods,
so is the price, or wage, for which the workingman has to
sell himself to the capitalist along with his labor power,
bound to go down.
And now get ready for the final summing up:
_It follows from all this that even if there are no
superfluous workingmen in the market, the price of labor
power, that is to say, the wages of the employed workers,
will go down_. The presence of an excess of labor in the
market over and above the demand simply aggravates the evil;
an over-supply of labor will and does push wages below even
their declining value. But the oversupply is not the original
cause of the decline of wages; the original cause is the
merchandise quality of labor. If you drown all the
superfluous workers, as fast as they are displaced by
machinery, you simply would be removing an aggravating
incident; the original cause would continue and with it, the
steady decline of the earnings of the worker, which is
equivalent to the steady increase of his misery and
dependence.
B.J. (Shaking his fist at U. S.)--The devil take you!
You call that giving "hope and inspiration"? As I understood
this hellish law of wages, there was some hope for
some of us, for the happy ones who got work; but as the case
now stands there is no hope for any of us; we might as well
all go down to the rivers and seashores and drown ourselves.
There is no hope, none for the working class. (He glares
furiously at U.S.) Speak! Speak! Do you hold this maxim?
U.S.--Yes; I'll accept the maxim provided you accept
an amendment by adding the words "under the capitalist sys-
tem," so the maxim shall read: "There is no hope for the
working class under the capitalist system."
B.J.--What's the difference?
U S.--This is the difference: The workers won't drown
themselves to please the capitalists. So long as they imagine
they can patch up some sort of living arrangement with the
capitalist class, they will uphold the capitalist system and
continue slaves; but just as soon as the truth shall have
broken its way through their skulls that there is no choice
but between themselves dying or killing off the capitalist
system, you will see them stand up as men; they will refuse
to continue to be merchandise; they will overthrow the system
that makes them such; they will socialize the instruments of
production and the land, and they will establish the Socialist
or Cooperative Commonwealth. That is the "hope and
inspiration" which we Socialist workingmen gather from the
law of wages coupled with the law of historic development.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
--Transcribed by redflag on 6/21/98
http://www.slp.org
SOCIALIST ECONOMICS IN DIALOGUE BY DANIEL DE LEON From the 1935 hardback edition published by New York Labor News Originally published in the Weekly People in 1900 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ DIALOGUE 11 PROSPERITY--"EMPLOYMENT SEEKING LABOR."
BROTHER JONATHAN (Angry)--I don't know what
is the matter with you Socialists. You seem never satisfied
UNCLE SAM-What is the mat--
B.J. (Angrier)--The better off our people are, the
more you Socialists howl; the happier we feel, the more you
Socialists talk calamity; the--
U.S.--Wait a--
B.J. (Still angrier)--You are a set of impossibles;
you are good for nothing (getting angrier and angrier);
you ought to be hanged to keep the country in such a
turmoil--
U.S.--But--
B.J. (Beside himself with rage)--But-but-but. I
suppose you all want palaces and silks and--
U.S.--Yes--
B.J.--And will never be satisfied--
U.S.--Not until we have all that we produce--
B.J.--We are getting that!
U.S.--Oho!
B.J.--Yes, and we are getting better off every day.
U.S.--Now, Jonathan, something must have bitten
you. What is it?
B.J.--Nothing bit me; but I have just been reading a
beautiful speech by McKinley delivered in the West.
U.S.--And that has satisfied you?
B.J.--Why shouldn't it? Here is what he said-
U.S.--It must be wonderful, indeed. Let's have it.
B.J. (Taking out of his pocket a metropolitan capitalist
paper and reading)--"McKinley in the West-Enthusiastic
Crowds of Workingmen Flock to Hear Him"; (running
his finger down the column through the speech) here is
the speech; but the principal part I want to call your
attention to is this: Just look at this. (Reading) :
"We have gone from labor seeking employment to employment
seeking labor." Just think of that! Is not that prosperity?
And yet you Socialists howl--[*]
U.S.--Just let me take a squint at that paper, will you?
B.J. (Passing the paper over to U. S.)--Gladly, convince yourself.
U.S. (Turns to the columns of "Help Wanted")--Do you see this?
B.J.--Yes; "Help Wanted." There you have it-
"employment seeking labor."
U.S.--How many columns?
B.J.--Not quite one.
U.S. (Turns to the columns of "Situations Wanted")--Do you
see this?
B.J.--Yes; "Situations Wanted."
U.S.--How many columns?
B.J. (Counting)-One, two, three, four--
U.S.--Say eight, and be done with it; don't you see
they cover the whole page?
B.J.--Yes, eight.
U.S.--Is that all, do you think?
B.J.--Are there any more?
U.S. (Turning the page over)--Count on.
B.J.--One, two--
U.S.--Eight more?
B.J.--Yes.
U.S.--That makes sixteen (turning over to the next
page). How many more?
B.J.--One, two-eight more.
U.S.--That makes?
B.J.--Twenty-four.
U.S. turns to the fourth page.
B.J. (Amazed)--Are there still more?
U.S.--See for yourself.
B.J.--One, two-why, eight more!
U.S.--And that makes?
B.J.--Thirty-two columns!
U.S. turns to the fifth page.
B.J.--Lord! Is it not yet done?
U.S.--Stop your gab and count.
B.J.--Why, that's eight more!
U.S.--Making?
B.J.--Forty columns of applicants!
U.S. (Turns to the sixth page)--And how many more here?
B.J.--One, two, three, four, five and almost six. Almost
forty-six columns of applicants for work!
U.S.--As against how many of "employment seeking labor"?
B.J.--Not quite one!
U.S.--Now look at this item.
B.J. (Reading)--"Jeremiah Ingals, aged thirty-four,
was found dead in his room last night. An empty bottle of
laudanum and a letter, found on a chair near the bed, told
the story. 'Out of work and can find none.'
U.S.--"Employment seeking labor" must have missed
this one, eh?
B.J. remains silent.
U.S.--Now read this item.
B.J. (Reading)--"Susan Elger, followed by two children
and carrying one on her arm, applied yesterday at the
8th precinct police station for shelter. She stated that her
husband, after having looked for work the whole summer,
and finding none, left for Philadelphia two weeks ago,
thinking he could get work there, and has not been heard
from since. She had pawned most of her and his clothes, and
she and her children were starving."
U.S.--It seems that "employment seeking labor" has
a knack of missing this man, eh?
B.J. remains silent.
U.S. (Folding up the newspaper in the shape of a
fool's cap and clapping it on B.J.'s head)--That much for
us Socialists "howling without cause," and "never being
satisfied." I tell you, we shall howl until there will be
precious few such fools as you left among the workingmen, who
can be stuffed with a capitalist-Republican or a
capitalist-Democratic lie like that; until our class
will stand solid by the Socialist Labor Party, be part
and parcel of it-and smash this Dem-Rep system of capitalist
iniquity.
[*]This was written during the 1898, William McKinley, Prosperity and "Full Dinner Pail" campaign. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ --Transcribed by redflag on 6/22/98 http://www.slp.org
SOCIALIST ECONOMICS IN DIALOGUE BY DANIEL DE LEON From the 1935 hardback edition published by New York Labor News Originally published in the Weekly People in 1900 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ DIALOGUE 12
WAGES AND BREAD AND BUTTER.
UNCLE SAM--How is business with you?
BROTHER JONATHAN (With a corner-grocer, self-
satisfied swagger)--I can't complain. Tell you the truth, to
me it looks as if people are never satisfied. They love to
grumble. Let a man attend to his business and he'll get
along well enough.
U.S.--Have you become a Socialist?
B.J. (Startled)--Me! Not much! What makes you
ask the question?
U.S.--Somehow, a thing you just said sounded like a
thing I heard a Socialist say on the soap-box.
B.J.--What did I say?
U.S.--You said: "Let the workingmen attend to their
business."
B.J. (Indignant)--That's not Socialism!
U.S.--The Socialist I heard speak said: Let a man at-
tend to his business. If he does he will see and feel soon
enough that capitalism is taking the skin off him. The work-
ingman who attends to his business, and does not fall asleep
over it, will soon enough catch on to the "market price" of
his labor power--
B.J.--Bah!
U.S.--He will find his market price is going down-
B.J.--That's a lie!
U.S.--He will not be humbugged with an "increase of
wages" because he will know that wages are no higher than
they will fetch bread and butter, and the wages, even when
higher, are in fact lower because they fetch less and less--
B.J.--Those Socialists are crazy.
U.S.--And that's the proof that the market price of
their labor power is declining, and the lower the market
price of labor power, all the higher is the heap of plunder
that the capitalist carries off--
B.J.--That fellow is a muckraker.
U.S.--I was wondering for what party he spoke. Just
as I was going to ask the question, he said the Socialist
Labor Party showed the way out of the pickle. The capitalist
system had to be overthrown, and that could be done only
if the workers stop being fooled by the vote-catching par-
ties, and organized themselves into the men-making S.L.P.
and the classconscious Socialist Industrial Union.
B.J.--Bosh! I say.
U.S.--And so he went on and wound up with the admonition
that the workingman should attend to his business,
which he rebuked him for not attending to.
B.J. (With a cocksure merchant's satisfied mien)--
I'll tell you; those Socialists make me tired. They talk as
though they knew it all, whereas they don't know anything.
They talk as though people care a tinker's dam for prin-
ciples, whereas people care only for what they can make.
Now, I'll tell ye--
U.S.--Yes, do.
B.J.--I have a pretty good knowledge of human nature.
(With great positiveness.) I come in touch with all
sorts of men in my store. Now, I'll tell ye--
U.S.--Do, by all means.
B.J.--I have a mighty good chance to size up people,
especially workingmen. They and their wives buy a good
deal from me. Now, I'll tell ye--
U.S.--It is about time--do tell me.
B.J.--Now, I'll tell ye, if the wages of the workers
were to be raised only $10 a week (looking very serious and
positive), if the wages of these Socialists went up only $10
they would all cease to be Socialists. Take that from me.
I know what I'm talking about.
U.S.--You may think you have dropped a heavy chunk
of spick-and-span new wisdom. Fact is I know that the So-
cialists say as much, and they add something else to that.
B.J. (Surprised)--What do they add?
U.S.--They add that fortunately for freedom not even
that raise of wages can be given to the whole working class.
They add, quoting Shakespeare, that men would sooner put
up with evils that they know of, than fly to others that they
know not of. They add that the increasing number of pro-
letarians makes it impossible for the capitalist class to buy
them off with better conditions. And they add that, were it
not for that economic fact, the sociologic phenomenon of
Socialism would not be seen today; but that, owing to this
economic fact, lasting content in wage slavery is impossible,
and Socialist triumph is assured.
B.J. (Who has recovered from the stupor into which
U. S.'s words threw him)--And do you believe that--a sen-
sible man like you?
U.S.--I certainly do. And there is something else I
believe, or rather know; and that is that you merchants are
the shallowest of pans. In your business you know no more
than your narrow horizon allows you. If you succeed, you
think you are a hell of a clever lot. That's why, when eco-
nomic facts that you are too shallow to fathom break upon
you and you go into bankruptcy, you act like ducks in thun-
der.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
--Transcribed by redflag on 7/1/98
http://www.slp.org
SOCIALIST ECONOMICS IN DIALOGUE BY DANIEL DE LEON From the 1935 hardback edition published by New York Labor News Originally published in the Weekly People in 1900 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ DIALOGUE 13 "MINIMUM WAGE."
BROTHER JONATHAN--I heard last night one of those
blankety-blank Socialist Labor Party men deliver the most
blankety-blank talk it was ever my misfortune to hear.
UNCLE SAM--I shrewdly suspect it was rather the case
of a blankety-blank Brother Jonathan. What did the S.L.P.
man say?
B.J.--As near as I could make out he had no use for
the minimum wage.
U.S.--Was that the offense?
B.J.--It was.
U.S.--What do you understand by the minimum wage?
B.J.--By minimum wage I understand that a certain amount--
U.S.--Of money?
B.J.--Exactly. That a certain amount of money shall
be fixed below which wages shall not be allowed to go. Say
that the amount be fixed at $1 a day--
U.S.--I would then go on strike against your minimum
wage, and remain on strike till hell froze over.
B.J.--The amount does not matter. It is simply an
illustration. Make it $10 a day.
U.S.--That suits me a deal better.
B.J.--That would mean, the minimum of $10 a day
being established by law, that the workers may, if they can
in the course of the class struggle, raise their wage to $10 a
day, but the employers shall not be allowed to depress the
wage below $10. Do you catch on?
U.S.--Let me see if I do. Suppose $10 is established
at a certain time. What does that mean?
B.J.--Mean?
U.S.--Yes; what does it mean as to the purchasing
power of that $10 minimum?
B.J.--Oh, now I see what you mean. It means that
the amount of food, clothing, shelter, footwear--
U.S.--Et cetera--
B.J.--Which the worker needs will take $10 a day to
purchase. And it means that the wage shall not be reduced.
U.S.--And why not?
B.J.--Because if the wage is reduced to, say $5, then
the worker could purchase only one-half the food, clothing--
U.S.--Et cetera--
B.J.--He could purchase only one-half of what he needs.
U.S.--And would starve?
B.J.--Yes; would starve.
U.S.--Does the purchasing power of the dollar always
remain the same?
B.J.--No, indeed!
U.S.--Does it decline, or does it increase?
B.J.--The purchasing power of the dollar declines.
U.S.--If prices rise, does the dollar fetch as much as before?
B.J.--Of course not.
U.S.--If the purchasing power of $10 fetches, at one
time, the minimum of what the worker needs and prices
jump up, say, to make the point clear, 100 per cent, can that
$10 fetch the same minimum amount of necessaries?
B.J.--Of course it cannot!
U.S.--The worker would have to rest satisfied with
one-half of his minimum needs?
B.J.--Just about.
U.S.--Accordingly, is a minimum wage, that is ex-
pressed in dollars and cents, a guarantee against a standard
of living that is below the standard that existed when the
minimum wage was established by law?
B.J.--Hem! Hem! H-h-hem!
U.S.--What, my illustrious Jonathan, becomes of your
blankety-blank minimum wage?
B.J.--H-h-hem! Hem!
U.S.--Would not such a law rather legalize the de-
pressing of the workers' standard of living, and deprive
them of the civic status to strike for conditions above the
statutorily established dollars-and-cents minimum?
B.J. (Suddenly finding his voice)--Well, the principle
of the thing is not altered. I admit that the fixing of the
minimum with dollars and cents won't work--
U.S.--And there goes your blankety-blank minimum
wage, flat on its nose.
B.J.--Not at all! The minimum wage need not be
specified in dollars and cents--
U.S.--In what then?
B.J.--In food and clothing and shelter--
U.S.--And shoes? And hats? And transportation?
And communication? And soap? And brushes? And to-
bacco? And pipes? And needles? And thread? And fuel?
And light? And--
B.J.--Et cetera, man, et cetera!
U.S.--AlI right, thank you-et cetera. You would
have the minimum wage defined in the quantities of this list
of necessaries--a list so long that you have no patience to
hear it to the end?
B.J. remains silent.
U.S. (Poking B. J. in the ribs)--Hello, there!
B.J.--Well--the goods will have to be mentioned--
the list is very long, even though there be not much of any
one item on the list--it is a clumsy thing to do--but it will
have to be done.
U.S.--And that never will be done. And I'll tell you why:
Paid in the terms of money, the employer conceals or
blurs under wages the fact that the working class pays itself;
that what it receives is but a portion of the goods that it
produces; finally, that the capitalist class keeps the lion's
share of the fruit of labor's toil. A goodly portion of "the
cat would be uncovered to the workers' eyes if the mini-
mum wage were to specify the minimum amount of goods
that the worker shall receive.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
--Transcribed by redflag on 7/1/98
http://www.slp.org
____________________________________________________________________________________________________
Subject: Aids/Ebola BIOwar 1/4 Resent-Date: Tue, 21 Jul 1998 17:28:20
-0700 Resent-From: iww-news@iww.org Date: Tue, 21 Jul 1998 20:26:22 -0400 From:
"Dave"
Chapter by Chapter Summary of Dr. Horowitz's new book:
"EMERGING VIRUSES: AIDS & EBOLA--NATURE, ACCIDENT OR INTENTIONAL?"
(Tetrahedron Press, 1996; 592 pp.; hardcover) ______________________________________________________________________ http://www.tetrahedron.org
Chapter 1. "The World Health Organization Theory" of AIDS--
During the past decade, at least six internationally known authorities advanced theories that the AIDS virus (HIV) was developed by biological weapons researchers and either accidentally or intentionally transmitted with the help of the United States Public Health Service (USPHS) and the World Health Organization (WHO). A document like that obtained by one investigator, through the Freedom of Information Act, is shown here--a DOD appropriations request for $10 million for the development of AIDS-like viruses. "Within the next 5 to 10 years, it would probably be possible to make a new infective microorganism which could differ in certain important aspects from any known disease-causing organisms. Most important of these is that it might be refractory to the immunological and therapeutic processes upon which we depend to maintain our relative freedom from infectious disease." Chapter 2. WHO Plays in the Big Leagues-- Begins Dr. Horowitz's search for the origin of AIDS. Archival WHO documents are explored along with links to American health agencies, including the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and National Cancer Institute (NCI). These institutions played leading roles in the WHO's early viral research network. During the 1960s and early 1970s the WHO served as the omnipotent supplier of the world's pharmaceutical, bacteriological, and viral test reagents. Investigations revealed the NCI, a branch of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), functioned as the WHO's chief distributor of viruses and viral testing reagents during the late 1960s. By 1968, the WHO had provided technical advisors and supplies of "prototype virus strains" for more than "120 laboratories in 35 different countries." By 1969, this number increased to "592 virus laboratories." In this one year, four of the most active centers, including the NCI and CDC, distributed 2,514 strains of viruses, 1888 ampoules of experimental vaccines, and about 100 samples of cell cultures throughout the network. 70,000 virus isolations were reported by 1970. Chapter 3. Cold War, Biological Weapons and World Health-- The international scientific community's efforts to stop biological warfare and biological weapons (BW) research and development are reviewed here. The chapter reveals how, why, and to what extent U. S. biological weapons research continued despite staunch foreign and domestic opposition. President Nixon's false claims that BW research and development ceased after signing the Geneva Accord in 1969 are documented, as are the WHO's objections to safeguarding genetic engineering of mutant viruses for biological warfare and cancer research. In March of 1970, WHO consultants noted that it was "possible that biological agents may be used . . . to achieve the simultaneous infection of key groups of people, and the military consequences might well be of major importance. . . ." They noted the "calculated risk that a virulent mutant might appear and spread rapidly to produce an uncontrollable epidemic on a large scale. In addition, if mutants are deliberately produced in the laboratory," they wrote, "there is the ever-present risk of an accidental escape." The consultants also predicted that as a consequence of a biological attack, "mass illnesses, deaths, and epidemics" would require the WHO to furnish supplies and personnel to deal with the medical emergencies. These contingencies and more are documented and discussed. Chapter 4. The Road to Fort Detrick Runs Through Bethesda-- The first viruses and retroviruses used for biological weapons research passed through the NCI. This chapter reviews the massive chemical and biological war research campaign centered in Frederick (Fort Detrick), Maryland, and chronicles the viral research that was ongoing here and in surrounding labs. A premier lab, specifically researching, developing, and testing immune system destroying viruses, was the Cell Tumor Biology Laboratory at the NCI. This was headed by Dr. Robert Gallo--the co-discoverer of the AIDS virus. The chapter ends by asking, "When did Gallo discover HIV? In 1984, as reported, or in 1970?" Chapter 5. The Emperor's New Virus-- Provides an expose on the suspicious behavior of Dr. Robert Gallo as chronicled by bestselling author Randy Shilts and others. The chapter also begins a critical evaluation of the information, discrepancies, and apparent disinformation in Shilts's book And the Band Played On. The French/American AIDS fracas is reconsidered. Discussions also focus on how and why Gallo and his NCI colleagues attempted to block others from discovering the AIDS virus. The stage is set for the next chapter which reviews Gallo's research from 1967-1974. Readers learn that every step needed to create and test the AIDS virus was conducted in Gallo's lab by 1971. Chapter 6. Gallo's Research Anthology: The AIDS Buck and Virus Stops Here-- Gallo's early publications document his intimate association with Litton Bionetics--a subsidiary of the leading military contracting firm, Litton Industries. Through Litton Bionetics, a major biological weapons contractor, Gallo engineered simian (monkey) viruses to cause a variety of cancers; especially leukemias, sarcomas, and wasting diseases in humans. This chapter documents the incredible fact that Gallo's team extracted the nucleic acids from humanly benign simian viruses, and then infused the empty monkey virus shells with cat leukemia RNA and chicken leukemia-sarcoma RNA to produce mutants that could produce the laundry list of diseases seen in AIDS patients. Then, to enable the virus to infect humans, Gallo and company cultured these germs in human white blood cells so they could "jump species." Most astonishing, this chapter documents that Gallo presented this research, and the protocol for developing AIDS-like viruses, to NATO's military scientists in Mol, Belgium in 1970. Chapter 7. An Interview with Dr. Robert Strecker--One of the half dozen physician/researchers throughout the world who alleged the military's involvement in the creation of AIDS, Strecker explains his theory on: * How and why the AIDS virus was synthetically manufactured; * Why the "green monkey theory" and the "patient zero theory" is nonsensical; and * What AIDS experts have said about his thesis that AIDS was a military development designed for use as a biological weapon for population control. Chapter 8. HIV-1, HIV-2, and the "Big Bang"-- The scientific literature is reviewed here in an effort to critically evaluate the man-made theory of HIV-1, HIV-2, and allegations that HIV had been found in tissues of people who had died during the 1950s and 1960s. The analysis identifies both inconsistencies in these conclusions, along with little known evidence that HIV emerged during the early 1970s. The association of early cancer virus network associates of Dr. Gallo, including Drs. Luc Montagnier (Institute Pasteur), Donald Francis (CDC), Peter Duesberg (U. of C.), and Max Essex (Harvard), and their activities, is examined in contrast to circulating disinformation. HIV-2, discovered by Max Essex, is examined as both the purported "missing link" to HIV-1, and the monkey virus laboratory contaminant it was ultimately determined to be. Clearly, molecular genetics shows that something major happened in the early 1970s to convert HIV-2 or similar simian immunodeficiency viruses into HIV-1. The discussion focuses on how HIV-2, a known monkey virus laboratory contaminant, not found in monkeys in the wild, could be circulating, in the wild, primarily in African women? Vaccines, tainted by monkey virus mutants produced accidentally or intentially, appear to be the only plausible explanation. Most astonishing, chimpanzees--carriers of SIVcpz, the closest primate relative to HIV-1--were used to develop the earliest hepatitis B vaccines tested in New York City and Central Africa in 1973-1974. The chapter then advances a new, more rational, and scientific, theory on the iatrogenic (man-made) origin of AIDS. Clearly, viruses such as these emerged from the laboratory, but the question of accidental versus genocidal transmission remained to be explored. continued ........ "Emerging Viruses: AIDS & Ebola--Nature, Accident or Intentional?" (Tetrahedron Press, 1996; $29.95) May be ordered through bookstores throughout North America, and by calling toll-free 800-336-9266. The book may also be ordered through the internet at http://www.tetrahedron.org in the catalog section of the web site. ***** "Messages sent on the IWW-news mailing list are the opinions of the individual senders; they do not necessarily represent the views of the IWW. IWW-news is for posting information which is relevant to the struggle of the working class against our bosses. Visit http://www.iww.org/ for more information." To subscribe/unsubscribe from the IWW-news mailing list please send e-mail to iww-news-request@iww.org with the word "subscribe" or "unsubscribe" as the subject of the message.
Subject: Aids/Ebola BIOwar 2/4 Resent-Date: Tue, 21 Jul 1998 17:33:29
-0700 Resent-From: iww-news@iww.org Date: Tue, 21 Jul 1998 20:31:17 -0400 From:
"Dave"
Chapter 9. Early Targeting of Minority America
--The targeting of gay rights leaders and groups at home and abroad by the FBI and CIA during and after the McCarthy era is documented and discussed. The gay rights movement was seen by most conservative lawmakers and public officials as communist inspired. The chapter also reviews the targeting of civil rights groups by the CIA from the late 1960s through the 1980s in their efforts to: 1) Prevent the coalition of militant black nationalist groups and the beginning of a "true black revolution;" and 2) Prevent the rise of a black "messiah." The chapter also discusses the development of 360 disruptive American intelligence operations under the COINTELPRO Black Nationalist Hate Group's umbrella, including "Operation Chaos" which ran from 1966 until 1974. The pivotal role of National Security Advisor, Dr. Henry Kissinger, who during the Nixon era personally oversaw major CIA and FBI intelligence operations and directed the military chiefs of staff, is considered. Chapter 10. African Foreign Policy and Population Control-- Only days after the DOD requisitioned $10 million from Congress to fund the development of AIDS-like viruses, on July 29, 1969, the House Republican committee, chaired by the Honorable GEORGE BUSH of Texas, cited the urgent need for POPULATION CONTROL activities to fend off "a growing Third World crisis." This chapter documents and discusses "American displeasure with Black African culture," and "the roots of Third World foreign policy." Intriguing revelations here include: * Nixon's special presentation before the Population Conference in which he appealed for urgent action; * Economic, military, and "humanitarian" policies and projects implemented under Nixon and Carter; * Subsequent World Bank, NASA, and the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) activities in Africa; * Henry Kissinger's leading role in establishing and directing African foreign policy and "diplomatic" affairs; * USAID and WHO sponsored immunization programs in central Africa; and * American intelligence connections to USAID and African health care initiatives. Chapter 11. Henry Kissinger's "New World Order"-- This fascinating chapter tracks Henry Kissinger's rise to prominence in America's intelligence community. Details about Kissinger's relationships with the Rockefellers, Richard Nixon, Alexander Haig, and other Nixon White House officials are examined, along with Kissinger's leading role in the development of nuclear and biological weapons. The philosophy and purpose of the "New World Order," as articulated by President Bush, and advanced in Kissinger's 1955 Harvard Ph.D. thesis "The Meaning of History," is reviewed. Kissinger argued that there will never be peace on earth. Instead, he called for a stable economic order of nations which could be maintained by creating ongoing "small wars," with financial advantages for weapons developers. This chapter also documents: * Kissinger's appointment by Nelson Rockefeller to head the nuclear weapons study group of the nongovernmental Council on Foreign Relations. * Kissinger's appointment as National Security Advisor--the most influential position in the Nixon White House--instead of Roy Ash, the President of Litton Industries. * Litton military contracts, during the first Nixon administration, exceeding $5 billion; $10 million of which went to Litton Bionetics, the BW contractor with whom Robert Gallo worked to develop AIDS-like viruses at that time. * Kissinger's "Great Power Grab" as director of national security, and his ordering of Alexander Haig and J. Edgar Hoover to wiretap Nixon and others to produce the infamous "White House tapes." * Kissinger's control over The Defense Program Review Committee, which considered the funding requests for biological weapons; and The 40 Committee which authorized covert actions by the CIA in Central Africa in the vicinity where AIDS and Ebola first broke out. continued.... "Emerging Viruses: AIDS & Ebola--Nature, Accident or Intentional?" (Tetrahedron Press, 1996; $29.95) May be ordered through bookstores throughout North America, and by calling toll-free 800-336-9266. The book may also be ordered through the internet at http://www.tetrahedron.org in the catalog section of the web site. ***** "Messages sent on the IWW-news mailing list are the opinions of the individual senders; they do not necessarily represent the views of the IWW. IWW-news is for posting information which is relevant to the struggle of the working class against our bosses. Visit http://www.iww.org/ for more information." To subscribe/unsubscribe from the IWW-news mailing list please send e-mail to iww-news-request@iww.org with the word "subscribe" or "unsubscribe" as the subject of the message.
Subject: Aids/Ebola BIOwar 3/4 MKNAOMI Nazi/CIA Resent-Date: Tue, 21 Jul
1998 17:59:01 -0700 Resent-From: iww-news@iww.org Date: Tue, 21 Jul 1998 20:56:09 -0400
From: "Dave"
Chapter 12. Silent Coup in American Intelligence
--Reviews increasing evidence that the CIA not only co-opted the Executive Branch of the U.S. Government while being directed by Dr. Henry Kissinger during the Nixon era, but apparently carried out efforts to replace J. Edgar Hoover. This, at the time Kissinger directed the CIA to continue escalating foreign and domestic espionage operations under COINTELPRO against black Africans and American homosexuals. Chapter 13. USAID and New York Blood-- Under Kissinger's national security council directives, USAID began focusing vast resources on controlling Third World populations. A computer search of "USAID," "Population Control," "Vaccines," and "World Health Organization" literature between 1970 and 1975 revealed 733 "USAID-Population Control" studies. The same search after 1975 found none. The entire field of "Population Control" had vanished from medlar! The subject heading had been terminated and replaced with the more comforting "maternal and child health." A review of Department of State Bulletins revealed that by 1976 Joseph Califano, who had advised Kissinger to appoint Alexander Haig as his White House assistant, took the lead in attacking "rapid population growth" in the Third World. His subsequent policies are discussed as are Califano's links to Merck, Sharp and Dohme (MSD)--the world's largest supplier of AIDS-related drugs. Had Califano authorized USAID funds for Merck related hepatitis B vaccine studies in central Africa during his stint as secretary of DHEW? Apparently so. Moreover, Chapter 13 examines a paper trail in the scientific literature linking MSD investigators with viral researchers who conducted hepatitis B vaccine studies on retarded children and gay volunteers in NYC. Through the New York City Blood Bank (NYCBB) and the biological weapons contractors at the New York University Medical Center (NYUMC), as early as 1969, that is, shortly after Kissinger became NSC director, the first humans were inoculated with experimental vaccines composed of live or attenuated viruses that had only been tested on monkeys. Moreover, the viruses had been grown in chimpanzees likely infected with a varity of other viruses with similarities to HIV. Most astonishing, the text documents that MSD researchers worked in cooperation Gallo's group at the NCI and Litton Bionetics, and that combined, they conducted similar studies in Central Africa under U. S. Army and USAID contracts. Moreover, the "Drug Development Branch" of the NCI served as a conduit of experimental viruses, vaccines, and drugs between Gallo and company and MSD. Thus, the alleged channel through which HIV tainted hepatitis B vaccines passed between the NCI and MSD was operating by 1970. Chapter 14. Central African Vaccine Trials--Documents the specific African vaccine studies and immunization campaigns waged by the suspected scientific network in an effort to investigate the accidental and intentional theories of AIDS. The text details the: * 20 country immunization program supported by USAID, the CDC, the WHO and MSD; * The NCI's method of turning taxpayer funded research dollars into private enterprise profits; * Obvious conflicts of interest and scientific misconduct demonstrated when CDC and MSD authorities attempted to rebut widespread allegations that the spread of AIDS followed Merck hepatitis vaccine study routes; * The support Gallo received from at least a third of the Army's top eighteen biological weapons contractors including Bionetics, Hazleton, and Dow Chemical; * Plans to prompt Congressional legislation freeing MSD and other vaccine producers from liability and costly litigation from personal injury claims; * Protocol for administering African "jet gun" immunization programs and documented propaganda campaigns; * The view of leading government scientists that race, class, and "national security" is the principle motive behind Third World immunization practices. Chapter 15. The CIA/Detrick Operation-- In 1975, following the storm of public outrage over the CIA's involvement in Watergate, the agency was investigated and chastised by the Rockefeller Commission and two Congressional committees. That year, word had leaked from the Army's Special (that is, secret) Operations Division at Fort Detrick, that the CIA was illegally stockpiling deadly bacteria, viruses, and other toxins. As a result, a Select Committee To Study Governmental Operations With Respect to Intelligence Activities met to investigate. Senator Frank Church presided. The Church hearings exposed much about the illegal storage of BW by the CIA, and their intended use in covert operations. Unfortunately, the American news media failed to report the most incriminating testimonies. The testimonies implicated congressional investigators as Dr. Kissinger was shielded from indictments along with other chief decision makers. Chapter 16. The CIA's Top Secret PROJECT: MKNAOMI--Discusses the CIA's BW operation. CIA Director William Colby's admission that the agency's interest in BW was for offensive uses during covert operations at the time the CIA was operating at full force in Zaire, Angola, and Sudan--ground zero for the AIDS and Ebola outbreaks--is documented. Nathan Gordon, Chief of the chemistry branch of the Technical Services Division of the CIA gave additional testimony of the agency's possible use of extensive virus stockpiles to assistant intelligence agency scientists in their work on mass immunization projects, vaccine development, and cancer research--exactly the work conducted by scientists at the NCI, including Robert Gallo, in association with Litton Bionetics in Bethesda and their affiliates in Uganda, and in cooperation with MSD, CDC, and New York collaborators. Moreover, discussions focus on congressional testimony which documented that the CIA had, in fact, been receiving "deadly poison[s]" manufactured by the USPHS and delivered to Fort Detrick for use in human experiments and covert operations. Chapter 17. The CIA's Human Experiments--Reviews an extensive array of illegal, unethical, immoral, and racist CIA BW experiments conducted on unsuspecting human populations. Chapter 18. Nazi Roots of American Central Intelligence: The Biological Warfare Industry--This chapter delivers an eye-opening expose on the Nazi medical officers who escaped prosecution through their service to American intelligence under a top secret "Project Paperclip." The "excessive zeal" with which U. S. Army intelligence and later CIA personnel protected war criminals, including the infamous "Angel of Death" Joseph Mengele; his assistant, "the butcher of Lyon," Klaus Barbie; Walter Rauff, the SS mobile gas chambers supervisor; Friederich Schwend, another mass murderer, and others including Erich Traub, in charge of biological warfare for the Reich Research Institute, where his research specialty was viral diseases. Of the approximately 2,000 Nazis drafted into American military service by intelligence officers including Henry Kissinger under General Bolling--the "Godfather" of "Project Paperclip"--many went on to become the leaders of America's military-medical industrial complex (MMIC). This chapter discloses the ties between the CIA and the two powerful organizations which gave rise to Nazi intelligence and Hitler's SS--The Gehlen Organization and Merk Network. These links are discussed with regard to the initial development of the CIA under Truman, and the post-WWII boom of the MMIC. The CIA, initially established as a cover and oversight agency for the Gehlen Organization, was thus rooted in racism and white supremacist ideology. Further investigation revealed how the Gehlen Organization and CIA were able to launder approximately $300 million from the Third Reich's war chest through the Paris branch of Rockefeller's Chase Manhattan Bank. This money was ultimately used to fuel the Kissinger-Rockefeller directed MMIC and possibly MSD's pharmaceutical empire. Chapter 19. The CIA in Africa-- Between 1970 and 1975, American cold war efforts focused on Zaire and Angola. Following the withdrawal of American forces from Vietnam, Henry Kissinger ordered the CIA to begin a major covert military operation against MPLA (communist bloc backed) "rebels" in Angola. Indebted by over $4.5 billion to the International Monetary Fund, Zaire, headed by President Mobutu--paradoxically regarded as one of the world's richest men with "a personal fortune put at $2,939,200,000 [1984 estimate] banked in Switzerland,"--was wooed by NATO allies during the 1970s, to be a staging area for CIA backed, Portuguese, French, and South African mercenaries. American corporate investment, notably in copper and aluminum, doubled following a 1970 visit by Mobutu to the United States. Major investors included Rockefeller's Chase-Manhattan Bank. This chapter details how, in 1975, Mobutu turned against NATO allies, proclaimed his intention to nationalize foreign owned enterprises, expelled the American ambassador, and arrested most of the CIA's Zairian agents, placing some of them under death sentences. The following year, in October 1976, the Ebola virus broke-out in fifty five Zairian villages, first killing people who had received injections. Mobutu then ordered his army to seal off the Bumba Zone with roadblocks and shoot anyone trying to leave. By the end of 1976, the Zairian leader had reconciled his differences with American intelligence and, thereafter, continued to reap his western alliesO economic and "humanitarian" aid. This chapter details these events along with the CIA's covert operations in the region. continued ........ "Emerging Viruses: AIDS & Ebola--Nature, Accident or Intentional?" (Tetrahedron Press, 1996; $29.95) May be ordered through bookstores throughout North America, and by calling toll-free 800-336-9266. The book may also be ordered through the internet at http://www.tetrahedron.org in the catalog section of the web site. ***** "Messages sent on the IWW-news mailing list are the opinions of the individual senders; they do not necessarily represent the views of the IWW. IWW-news is for posting information which is relevant to the struggle of the working class against our bosses. Visit http://www.iww.org/ for more information." To subscribe/unsubscribe from the IWW-news mailing list please send e-mail to iww-news-request@iww.org with the word "subscribe" or "unsubscribe" as the subject of the message.
Subject: Aids/Ebola BIOwar 4/4 (OTRAG, Nazi/CIA) Resent-Date: Tue, 21
Jul 1998 17:58:15 -0700 Resent-From: iww-news@iww.org Date: Tue, 21 Jul 1998 20:56:02
-0400 From: "Dave"
Chapter 20. OTRAG: Links to Nazis, NATO, NASA, the NCI and AIDS
This chapter provides astonishing information regarding a "secret agreement" between NATO and a Nazi-linked West German company--OTRAG (Orbital Transport-und Raketen-Aktiengesellschaft)--and Zaire's president Mobutu. This company leased 260,000 square kilometers of eastern Zaire for military/industrial purposes in 1975. The contract gave OTRAG sovereign rights to territories inhabited by 760,000 people, not far from what is now called "The AIDS Highway," and the region in which Ebola erupted. Said to be of military and intelligence gathering significance to NATO, OTRAG's principals included several Nazi scientists including Dr. Kurt H. Debus, who worked as director of the Cape Canaveral space program until 1975 before transferring to Zaire. Richard Gompertz, OTRAG's technical director, presided over NASA's Chrysler space division. Lutz Thilo Kayser, OTRAG's founder and manager, when young was quite close to the Nazi rocket industry, often called "Dadieu's young man," a reference to Armin Dadieu, his mentor, who served as prominent SS officer and as Goring's special representative for a research program on storing uranium. According to United States Army reports, the "outlandish claim" that the AIDS virus was developed as a biological weapon for the Pentagon was communist propaganda. Recently, however, a high ranking Soviet press official, Boris Belitskiy, offered an alternative account regarding the origin of the AIDS virus--Both OTRAG and the Pentagon were implicated by his revelations. In 1977, at the height of OTRAG's activity in Zaire, Litton Industries received $5 million for medical electronic equipment from its Hellige division, in Freiburg, West Germany. Much of Litton's NATO and West German sales during this period appear to have been earmarked for OTRAG. Concurrently, the chapter discusses cooperative ventures between NATO and the World Health Organization with regard to the international control of pharmaceuticals, and preparations for facing possible outbreaks from biological warfare. More revelations point to the fact that the recent outbreaks of the world's most feared and deadly viruses--Marburg, Ebola, Reston, and AIDS--share the dubious distinction of breaking out in or around areas of CIA/NATO operations. Chapter 21. Marburg, Ebola, and Chilling Propaganda in The Hot Zone--Discloses the scientific facts about the dreaded Ebola and Marburg viruses, in contrast to the New York Times bestselling "nonfiction" book The Hot Zone by Richard Preston. Critical examination in this chapter reveals Preston's book is undoubtedly counterintelligence propaganda seemingly intended to prepare the world for future epidemics and additional virus outbreaks. Chapter 22. The Special Virus Cancer Program-- Highly incriminating documents published in 1971 and 1972 by the NIH were serendipitously discovered by Dr. Horowitz. These NCI "Summary Reports," unavailable at most medical libraries including the NCI's library at Fort Detrick, describe the network's earliest efforts to find a cure for cancer by first creating thousands of mutant viruses capable of jumping from animals into humans. These "cancer models" were used by researchers who believed that viruses were responsible for most cancers. Thus, viruses were tracked, isolated, and genetically modifed to produce a variety of cancers in the hope of discovering a vaccine. This rationale was used by BW developers to defend their work, and the entire NCI program was administered by Litton Bionetics. This chapter reviews what was done to produce AIDS, Ebola, Marburg and Reston-like viruses, where and when the experiments took place, who was involved, and even how much they were paid. This chapter uncloaks the NCI's "special virus" research network and the horrifying experiments they conducted in the name of medical science. Chapter 23. The Man-Made Origin of Marburg and Ebola--Presents startling evidence that the Hazleton monkey house, site of the Reston virus outbreak, was intimately involved in creating cancer viruses similar to those produced by Robert Gallo and coworkers at Litton Bionetics. Moreover, scientific documents revealed the unreported source of Hazleton's Reston virus contaminated monkeys was apparently Litton Bionetics. Additional documents reveal a specific experiment conducted by Litton Bionetics chief Dr. John Landon as the most plausible source of the original Marburg virus outbreak in Europe. Most astonishing, in an obscure scientific report, Dr. Seymour Kalter, the NCI's chief simian virus expert in charged of classifying newly developed viruses that emerged during laboratory experiments, stated for the record that the Marburg hemorrhagic fever virus was man-made. Chapter 24. Ebola Kikwit and the Sloan/Hot Zone/Plague Connection--This concluding chapter critically examines the 1995 Ebola virus outbreak in Kikwit, Zaire. Apparently, contrary to popular belief and news coverage, the virus was too similar to the 1976 strain to have emerged naturally. A final serendipitous discovery identified The Hot Zone's Richard Preston, as the recipient of a $20,000 literary grant from the Sloan Foundation. Further investigation revealed the foundation: (1) supported black educational initiatives consistent with the COINTELPRO Black Nationalist Hate Group campaign; (2) administered "public management" research and mass-media-public-persuasion experiments completely consistent with the CIA's Project MKULTRA; (3) funded many of the earliest cancer research experiments involving the genetic engineering of mutant viruses; (4) funded population control studies by Planned Parenthood-World Population, New York, N.Y.; (5) funded the Community Blood Council of Greater New York, Inc., the "council of doctors" who established the infamous New York City Blood Bank; (6) maintained Laurance S. Rockefeller, the director of the Community Blood Council of Greater New York and the president of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, as chairman of the board of the Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center, and a trustee for the Foundation; (7) gave in excess of $20,000 annually to the Council on Foreign Relations; and (8) maintained among its "marketable securities," 16,505 shares of Chase Manhattan Bank stock (in 1967) along with 24,400-53,000 shares issued by Merck & Co., Inc. (at least until 1973). In the end, Litton Bionetics and Hazleton Research Labs were sold to a subsidiary of Dow-Corning, whose president, Richard Hazleton, is currently seeking congressional approval for legislation aimed at freeing corporations from product liability claims, such as those caused by immune-system-ravaging silicon breast implants and Norplant_ for population control. In addition, it was also learned that Laurie Garrett, author of The Coming Plague, also received major financial support from The Sloan Foundation. Chapter 25. Smoking Guns and Conclusions--The book closes by questioning the covert operations of the military-medical-industrial complex and its effect on America's health and democracy, but not before revealing "a smoking gun." Maurice Hilleman, in charge of MSD's hepatitis B vaccine experiments in New York and Central Africa, admits to having been intimately involved importing AIDS infected monkeys into his labs at Merck, and thus beginning the North American AIDS epidemic, just as Dr. Horowitz concluded from the scientific evidence presented in chapter 13. Most troubling, hard evidence is presented that NCI and NIH insiders knew, as early as 1961, that MSD's polio (and later, hepatitis B) vaccines were laced with live simian lentiviruses that would likely produce human cancer epidemics for decades to come. Even more incredible, many monkey viruses are still being spread to humans by currently administered vaccines, while the FDA, by law, cannot do anything about it! For political and financial reasons, those who knew about such risks simply remained silent, or actively blocked efforts to alert the public. The result is--just about everyone is at greater risk today of developing cancer, and a host of other illnesses, or passing these cancer genes, or active viruses, on to their children for generations to come. Readers are encouraged to help make a difference by contacting their congressional representatives to urge an independent investigation of current live viral vaccine contaminants along with the FDA regarding their role in developing the hepatitis B vaccine and keeping the public misinformed. In addition, the tainted vaccine lots allegedly in safe keeping at the FDA should be evaluated and may hold the keys to discovering the whole true story of the origin of AIDS.
"Emerging Viruses: AIDS & Ebola--Nature, Accident or Intentional?"
(Tetrahedron Press, 1996; $29.95)
May be ordered through bookstores throughout North America, and by calling toll-free 800-336-9266.
The book may also be ordered through the internet at http://www.tetrahedron.org in the catalog section of the web site. ***** "Messages sent on the IWW-news mailing list are the opinions of the individual senders; they do not necessarily represent the views of the IWW. IWW-news is for posting information which is relevant to the struggle of the working class against our bosses. Visit http://www.iww.org/ for more information." To subscribe/unsubscribe from the IWW-news mailing list please send e-mail to iww-news-request@iww.org with the word "subscribe" or "unsubscribe" as the subject of the message.
--------------------------------------------------------------
Subject: Australian Vaccination Protest March Resent-Date: Tue, 21 Jul
1998 17:28:10 -0700 Resent-From: iww-news@iww.org Date: Tue, 21 Jul 1998 20:26:19 -0400
From: "Dave"
On Sunday April 6th, the Australian Vaccination Network and it's affiliated groups organised a march and rally in Sydney to publicise the fact that children are dying and being injured by vaccines and nobody in the government, either state or federal, is doing anything about it. There has still been no response from Dr. Wooldridge to the 200 reaction reports we delivered to him back in January and since that time, we have been contacted by more than 100 additional families who have reported a vaccine injury or death to us. Despite sending numerous press releases to publicise the march, the only publicity we received was from the Natural Health Society/Vegetarian Society magazine which ran an A5 sheet for us at no cost. The Australian Chiropractic Journal also ran a page, to advertise for us again at no cost. The homoeopaths wrote to their members to let them know about the march. There were also Sydney members putting up posters and fliers - we received numerous inquiries from the Nature Care College for example after a member put up signs there. For this help which proved to be invaluable, I would like to thank those involved. We had many successes that day. For one thing, there were 500 people marching down the streets of Sydney making their feelings known and informing all who watched us both in person and on TV (one station ran an excellent story about the march and Radio National also covered it). For another, the groups have all worked wonderfully together. There is now a great feeling of connection between all of our far-flung organisations and we are all very clear on where we are, where we want to go and how best to get there. We had some wonderful speakers at the rally in First Fleet Park which is where the march concluded. There was Dr. Viera Scheibner, Ian Sinclair, Susan Lindberg from VAIS and yours truly. We were also very lucky to have an unexpected guest speaker in Burnum Burnum. He discussed the devastating effects of vaccines on the Aboriginal population - an issue which is skirted often by the medical community but never really gone into. Why would the Aboriginal population have such a shockingly high rate of infant mortality when they also have such a high rate of vaccination? Is there a connection and what is being done by the government to find out? We will be repeating the march some time in 1998 and hope to make it an annual event as long as there are children dying and being injured by vaccines and as long as their parents are not being given a chance to make an informed choice. We have approached vaccination groups overseas and there is a strong interest in making next year's march international with parents and children from all over the world protesting the damage done by vaccines. Best is - this is an Australian initiative and all of you who are members of our group can be very proud that you have helped to bring it about! The day after the march, there was a forum called In the Best Interests of the Child: What Parents Want to Know about Vaccination which was held at Parliament House in Sydney. It was the brain child of the Hon. Alan Corbett, MLC, A Better Future For Out Children party. There were three pro-choice speakers representing your views - Maureen Hickman, President of the Australian Council For Immunisation Information; Dr. Mark Donohoe, Environmental Medicine and Nutrition; and Meryl Dorey, President the Australian Vaccination Network (that's me!). There were also three pro-vaccination speakers - Dr. Mark Ferson, Director, South Eastern Sydney Public Health Unit; Mark Harris, Professor of General Practice, University of NSW; and Dr. Alyson Kakakios, Senior Staff Specialist, Department of Immunology and Infectious Diseases, New Children's Hospital. She was filling in for Associate Professor Margaret Burgess was supposed to have participated in the forum but cancelled without explanation. This forum was supposed to consist of a panel with the 6 speakers all sitting together and answering questions which had been sent in by parents. Unfortunately (though not unexpectedly), the pro-vaccination speakers refused to speak on the same platform with us. They wanted us to speak in the morning while they spoke in the afternoon - that way, we could not respond to anything that they said. Not only that, but they changed the date at the last minute and would not enter into any discussion of how the day would be run. It never fails to amaze me that the medical community, which insists that vaccinations are safe and effective, is so reluctant to come out for a fair debate to try and prove their assertions. They seem quite willing to shove these things down our throats (or into our babies bodies), but won't try to defend what they are doing. The only explanation we ever seem to get is that there is no debate so be quiet and roll up your sleeve! Anyway, as I said before, the questions had been sent in by parents and others with an interest in vaccination and were presented to both morning (pro-choice) and afternoon (pro-vaccination) speakers. It's unfortunate that there wasn't time to address all of the questions, but there was quite a good cross-section asked. Maureen Hickman, as a law clerk, mostly handled legal questions while Mark Donohoe and myself answered the vaccine-related queries. It will probably not surprise any of you to hear that while the pro-choice side backed up everything that was said with published, medical references, the doctors showed a marked lack of citations and seemed to simply expect us to believe what they said because they were doctors. Many times, a member of the audience would ask the doctors to produce a reference for a certain point that they made. Almost without exception, the person involved would shuffle through the papers on their desk and say that they could give hundreds of citations - all the while never producing one. Their idea of health was also quite different to that of many members of the audience. For instance, one of the questioners asked about the report in the New Zealand Medical Journal in May 1996 which said that a 60% increase in diabetes was due to a hepatitis B vaccination program. Dr. Harris, responded by saying that a vaccine against diabetes was now being trialed! I think that he might have missed the point there? Jim Townley from the ACII asked why there were no studies being done to compare the overall health of vaccinated vs. unvaccinated children and Dr. Kakakios responded in disbelief, saying that of course the vaccinated would be healthier because they didn't get diseases like measles and mumps. They just don't get it! Even though they are doctors, what really came across quite clearly to me was the fact that the medical professionals have no idea of what health really is. There is so much more to being healthy than not getting a childhood disease and when your definition is so far off base, of course you won't be able to perceive where you are going wrong. I really want to commend Dr. Mark Donohoe for (a) his courage in bucking the medical fraternity and the whole pharmaceutical machine and in daring to come public and say that vaccines may or may not be safe and effective but there are a lot of questions yet to answer; and (b) for the information he provided and the clear and concise way in which it was presented. I would like to refer to something that Dr. Donohoe said in reference to a question about polio because it is such an important point and really causes us to question whether the polio vaccine has, in fact, been responsible for the decline in paralytic disease or if it is just another coincidence. `How many people here had their tonsils out back in the 50s and 60s? (the majority of the audience held up their hands) How many have children now who have had their tonsils out? A couple. Do you ever wonder why the medical profession drops a procedure? Certainly not because they have paid their cars off. `There was a problem in that we were removing tonsils from people throughout the 40s and 50s. They were taken to be extra tissue not needed by humans, but only a source of trouble. Then, during the polio epidemics, it was found that people who had had their tonsils removed were three to five times more likely to develop paralysis. That does not mean that they got the polio virus more frequently, simply that without the protection of the lymphatic tissue in the throat, there appeared to be a quite strong association between getting the polio virus and developing an illness. There were many at that time who suggested that paralytic polio was an iatrogenic ( ed note -medically-caused) disease. The medical profession dropped tonsillectomy as if it were a hot potato, but I don't know that it told many about that. Certainly, it did not tell me, in my medical school, why tonsillectomies were becoming so much less popular. I had mine removed; virtually everybody in my community did. It is one of those forgotten truths in Australian medicine, and world-wide medicine, that we removed tonsils at our own risk. We thought there was no problem. The iatrogenic part of it was that we caused thousands of cases of paralysis. We did not cause the polio, but we converted people who would have recovered from a viral illness into people with a paralytic illness. To this day, I don't think the medical profession has owned up to that problem that it caused in the Australian health community. For anyone who would like to know what went on at the forum, Alan Corbett will provide you with a 73-page transcript of the day for $5.00 plus $2.00 shipping and handling. You may write to: The Hon. Alan Corbett MLC Legislative Council Parliament House Macquarie Street Sydney 2000 Or fax to (02) 9230-2612 I hope that many of you will also write him a letter of appreciation because what he has done takes courage and commitment. It is never easy to swim against the tide of popular opinion - and it must be especially difficult if you are a politician - even an independent. Mr. Corbett has started a process which will not be finished for quite some time - who knows where it will lead us? Let's try and support those who are supporting us.
Article URL: http://www.ozemail.com.au/~shotinfo/page34.htm Australian Vaccination Network: http://www.ozemail.com.au/~shotinfo/ Dave Hartley Still-Point Healing Services Web Page: http://www.ioa.com/home/davehart
***** "Messages sent on the IWW-news mailing list are the opinions of the individual senders; they do not necessarily represent the views of the IWW. IWW-news is for posting information which is relevant to the struggle of the working class against our bosses. Visit http://www.iww.org/ for more information." To subscribe/unsubscribe from the IWW-news mailing list please send e-mail to iww-news-request@iww.org with the word "subscribe" or "unsubscribe" as the subject of the message.
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Additional Material Available on U.$ Biological Warfare used against its own population, Iran, Iraq, Yugoslavia, Vietnam, N. Korea, China, USSR, Chiapas, Etc. is on the web.
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The following was sent to me by Will Filer <Esur4@aol.com> on July 27, 1999. It offers a new explanation for government mind control. Will has stated to me that he is a former consultant to the U.S. National Security Agency and asked me to post this information immediately. He also believes he is in immediate danger because of this information. If you have comments on this document, feel free to post them to the MINDCONTROL-L list. - Wes Thomas, moderator, MINDCONTROL-L list Subliminal Implanted Posthypnotic Suggestions and Scripts Using Acoustically Delivered and Phonetically Accelerated Posthypnotic Commands without Somnambulistic Preparation in the Subject for Intelligence and Counterintelligence Applications by the United States National Security Agency.
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'Who Killed John Lennon?' by Fenton Bresler 1989 St. Martin's Press, NYC ISBN 0-312-03452-0
found a technique to control people, despite my definite bias in favour of the idea that the human spirit defeated the manipulators.’
Yet there is evidence to indicate that this is merely a forlorn hope. Marks himself quotes Milton Kline, a New York psychologist and former president of the American Society for Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis who has served as unpaid consultant on CIA hypnosis research, as saying that the idea of creating a real-life Manchurian Candidate is not impossible. ‘It cannot be done by everyone,’ says Kline. ‘It cannot be done consistently, but it can be done.’ (Kline, incidentally, later served for a while as an expert witness for the defence in the case of Mark David Chapman.)
There seems little doubt that sophisticated techniques have now reached the stage where, if murder is desired, a killer, once programmed and ‘on hold’, can be triggered into action by a phone call or by use of a particular book (such as perhaps happened to Mark Chapman with The Catcher in the Rye) or by a hypnotic session (as did happen to Candy Jones for twelve years whenever she was needed as a courier) - if necessary, with built-in memory loss for after the event. If this seems far-fetched, I can only counter that way back in the early days Of MKULTRA, in the late 1950s and early 1960s, hypnotically induced amnesia had already been brought to such a point that one senior CIA official is alleged to have wanted to advance it to the stage of seeing whether it would stand up to torture. Fellow CIA official John Gittinger told John Marks that, so far as he knew, this devilish experiment - torturing your own human guinea pig - was not carried out. ‘I still like to think we were human beings enough that this was not something we played with,’ he said.
But Marks comments that such an experiment could have been performed, as was apparently suggested, by friendly and none too fastidious police in a ‘sympathetic’ Third World country like Taiwan or Paraguay. Marks states positively: ‘CIA men did at least discuss joint work in hypnosis with a foreign secret service in 1962,’ but his efforts to follow this up with a request under the Freedom of Information Act were stymied by a specific CIA denial of access to any document concerning the testing of hypnosis and psychedelic drugs in cooperation with foreign intelligence agencies. They said that releasing such documents would reveal intelligence sources and methods, which were exempted by law.
MIND CONTROL II 45
Daniel Sheehan, whose Christic Institute has carried on into the late 1980s the investigative work in this field pioneered by Bowart and Marks, does not rule out this possibility. Speaking in his office in Washington DC in June 1988, his measured words bring a new dimension of authority to the subject:
'We have discovered in doing the kind of investigations that we?ve done, with regard to the Karen Silkwood killing, the killing of the people in Greensboro and other places, that we've come to the point of not speculating on things like that. We know we can find out but you cannot find out really responsibly without looking very specifically at each particular case and analysing it.
'Now we have made no enquiries into the John Lennon killing - but I would definitely assume, as a generality, from what we know about the MKULTRA programme and other things that the CIA was definitely into trying to create a hypno-programmed Manchurian Candidate.
'As for the specifics, I don't know one way or the other about Mark Chapman whom you say may have been programmed to kill and then kept "on hold" with built-in memory loss, but we have uncovered a sort of halfway spot to that situation. We have talked to half-a-dozen individuals who have told a startlingly similar story about how, at a very young age, usually between twenty and twenty-five, they were contacted, usually within the context of military training, and told: "Look, we’ve got a special deal for you. You’re going to come into the service under the normal designation of being an infantryman but you’re going to leave the service after a while and you’re going to have special training, and you’re going to be brought into a special programme."
‘They’re sent to special places where they are trained by mercenaries and then they’re told: "You’re going to be called upon from time to time to do some things for us." The Christic Institute’s researches brought up one such young man who was approached at an army recruiting centre and, in due course, handed over to an official of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms Division of the US Treasury. He was,given a special mission to infiltrate the Hell’s Angels motorcycle gangs. He had to dress up as a member of an opposing gang and then assassinate the leader of a rival gang - so that the two gangs would fight and partly destroy each other. ‘A bizarre law-enforcement kind of thing,’ Sheehan calls it.
WHO KILLED JOHN LENNON? 46
This same individual was also sent to 'a place where they were training people to carry out an assassination in Central America?. That place: Hawaii - the group of islands with a strong US naval and military presence where Mark Chapman lived for three years before killing Lennon. He also was sent into Thailand to try and find 'MIAs', US soldiers 'missing in action' in neighbouring Vietnam during the 1965-1973 Vietnam War.
Sheehan says that, in this 'halfway spot' of programmed undercover operators, his institute had also come across 'a very weird group of people who it's very hard to get a handle on how they got into this kind of thing, but it also happened when they were very young - like, between twenty and twenty-five - and they ran into someone who was like this mentor type of guy in the context of some sort of authoritative structure.' (The YMCA, linked to the CIA, comes immediately to mind as a possibility.) 'And again they get some kind of special training' (as Mark Chapman may have done in war-tom Beirut topped up by seemingly innocent instruction as an armed security guard), 'and then they go and do this sort of stuff- kill someone on orders.
'But the only thing is they don't just allow these guys to walk up and shoot somebody and get caught - like Mark did. It would be too dangerous. They would start talking and tell people about their exploits. These guys have a great tendency to do that - that is how we've gotten them to talk to us!'
But what about if Mark had been programmed not to do that with drugs such as sodium pentathol or desoxyn (or more advanced variations thereof) used as well as basic hypnosis to ensure built-in memory loss? After all, we know that the New York police did not test him for drugs upon his arrest: it was 'not normal procedure', according to ex-lieutenant of detectives Arthur O'Connor. Everyone can make their own assessment of Sheehan's answer: 'We haven't run into that yet. There is no direct evidence of it having actually happened - but it is a plausible kind of situation. It is clear that the MKULTRA programme was where they were experimenting to see if they could get people to behave in that way - and I cannot say it has not happened.'
Allegations have persisted over the years that the three great political assassinations of the 1960s, President John Kennedy, his brother Senator Robert Kennedy and Dr Martin Luther King Jr. were all
MIND CONTROL II 47
the work of programmed real life ‘Manchurian Candidates’ - or that, at the very least, all were the result of conspiracies. The men who pulled the trigger in each case - Lee Harvey Oswald, Sirhan Sirhan and James Earl Ray - may all have been somewhat unstable characters but that only made it easier to label them ‘lone nuts’. In fact, so run the theories, none of them acted alone.
Seeing conspiracies where none may exist is a boom industry in the United States. There is even an ‘Assassination Archives and Research Center’ in a five-room suite in the heart of downtown Washington DC established in 1984 as ‘a long needed, centrally located and permanent centre for the study of assassinations’. Investigative journalists and commentators like the late Mae Brussell in Carmel, California, thrive on stories of ‘conspiracy’ in which they passionately believe. Whole shelves of books exist which seek to establish - or state as a positive fact - that the Kennedy brothers and Martin Luther King did not die at the hands of lone killers.
Walter Bowart has succinctly stated the case for a possible conspiracy angle behind these three major assassinations: ‘Those who support the "lone nut" theory point to the fact that no. clear political motive could be attributed to any of the three assassins. Yet even to a casual student of history each of the three murders was of obvious political benefit to the extreme right: John and Robert Kennedy and Martin Luther King were all independent thinkers who could not be bought off. They worked for expanded civil rights in a manner the right wing interpreted as Communist. . . .
‘The Kennedys were not only on the wrong side of Hoover’s FBI, they were on the wrong side of the CIA as well. JFK fired several top intelligence officers (he asked for Allen Dulles’ resignation) and at the time of his death he was privately talking about reorganizing the entire US Intelligence Service. Robert Kennedy, as Attorney General, was waging a tireless campaign against organized crime. His campaign cut across the alliance the CIA had formed with gangsters who had lost their gambling and drug concessions in Cuba.
‘Robert Kennedy was a close friend of Dr King, and one rumour persists that the assassins had issued a dire warning that RFK not run for president, and that King was sacrificed to show that the group meant business.’
WHO KILLED JOHN LENNON? 48
Yet, despite all the talk and all the print, no one has yet conclusively proved anything either way and it is difficult to see how they ever will. As Daniel Sheehan puts it, 'The problem is that you get one strike, one hit, out of ten guesses in that kind of stuff - and then you?re probably doing well.'
Yet these three murders all have a striking parallel with the killing of John Lennon: none of them was followed by a trial bringing all the facts into the glare of courtroom examination. Lee Harvey Oswald who - in a 1976 Harris Poll, 80 per cent of Americans said they believed did not act alone - was conveniently gunned down in the basement ófDallas police headquarters by Jack Ruby who, with almost equal convenience, already had within him the seeds of the cancer that was also to kill him. James Earl Ray saved himself from an almost certain death sentence by pleading guilty and getting ninety-nine years in prison - only for the House Assassinations Committee to conclude nine years later: 'There is a likelihood that he assassinated Dr Martin Luther King as a result of a conspiracy.' Sirhan Sirhan in the end pleaded not guilty to Robert Kennedy's murder - but the only real courtroom battle was, as with Mark Chapman, over his state of mind and not the facts of the murder. I can reveal that, in fact, he wanted to plead guilty - so that in his case as well, there would have been no kind of trial at all.
Interviewed in Los Angeles in May 1988, Sirhan's junior trial lawyer, Luke McKissack, told me twenty years after the event that both senior prosecution and defence attorneys had agreed upon a plea bargain. Sirhan would plead guilty to murder in return for the prosecution not asking for the death penalty (as was their right under Californian state law) - and, surprisingly, the Kennedy family would have gone along with this. The only problem was that Judge Herbert Walker would not accept it, and insisted on a trial. As McKissack commented bitterly, 'This seventy-seven-year-old jurist wanted his judicial swan song to be a warble and not a mere chirp. And so we had to go ahead although nobody had really adequately investigated the many, many issues of the case.' It was assumed throughout Sirhan Sirhan's trial by both prosecution and defence counsel that the defendant had shot Robert Kennedy and that he had done so alone. The only question was: 'Was he insane'?
The jury said 'No,' and he was sentenced to death - only to
MIND CONTROL II 49
be saved from the gas chamber by a US Supreme Court decision that the death penalty was unconstitutional. The court later took a different view, but not with retrospective effect. This does not alter the fact that, if Sirhan Sirhan had had his way, be would have saved himself from execution by pleading guilty - and, as with Mark Chapman, there would have been no trial.
But there is an even stronger individual link between the Kennedy and Lennon assassinations. There is evidence to suggest that both could have been the work of programmed killers. When the public defender asked Sirhan about Kennedy’s shooting, he replied: ‘I don’t remember much about the shooting, sir, did I do it? Well, yes, I am told I did it. I remember being at the Ambassador (the hotel where Kennedy was shot). I am drinking Tom Collinses. I got dizzy. I went back to my car so I could go home. But I was too drunk to drive. I thought I’d better find some coffee. The next thing I remember I was being choked and a guy was twisting my knee.’
An eye-witness to the murder described Sirhan as being ‘enormously composed’. ‘Right in the midst of this hurricane of sound and feeling, he seemed to be almost the eye of the hurricane. He seemed purged. . .'
When a local attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union interviewed him in prison, Sirhan looked at him through tear-filled eyes and said: ‘I’m a failure. I believe in love and instead of showing love. . .‘ Then the attorney remembered him muttering ‘something about having betrayed his own primary beliefs’. When you come to read in detail about how Mark Chapman behaved after Lennon’s murder, you will find a striking parallel between the ‘dazed’, as if in a trance-like, condition of the two men. Mark remembered more of the actual killing but otherwise their reactions were almost identical. And remember what exlieutenant of detectives Arthur O’Connor has said: ‘I saw him the night of the murder. I studied him intensely. He looked as if he could have been programmed - and I know what use you are going to make of that word!’
When, seven years after Sirhan’s crime, abortive efforts were made on his behalf to re-open the case, recorded interviews with his psychiatrists in prison were analysed by a newly developed ‘truth detector’ called Psychological Stress Evaluator (PSE).
WHO KILLED JOHN LENN0N? 50
Unlike the old-fashioned ‘lie detector’ or polygraph, it does not have to be connected to the body to measure stress. Instead it measures micro-tremors in the human voice inaudible to the human ear but which form a distinct pattern when transferred to a chart. Charles McQuiston, described by author Walter Bowart as a ‘former high-ranking US Intelligence Officer’, one of the originators of the PSE, reported: ‘I’m convinced that Sirhan wasn’t aware of what he was doing. He was in a hypnotic trance when he pulled the trigger and killed Senator Kennedy. . . . Everything in the PSE charts tells me that someone else was involved in the assassination - and that Sirhan was programmed through hypnosis to kill RFK. What we have here is a real live "Manchurian Candidate".’
When Dr John W. Heisse, Jr, president of the International Society of Stress Analysis, examined Sirhan’s PSE charts, he agreed with McQuiston. ‘Sirhan kept repeating certain phrases,’ he said. ‘This clearly revealed he had been programmed to put himself into a trance. This is something he couldn’t have learned by himself. Someone had to show him and teach him how. ‘I believe Sirhan was brainwashed under hypnosis by the constant repetition of words like "You are nobody. You’re nothing. The American dream is gone" until he actually believed them. At that stage someone implanted an idea, "Kill RFK," and under hypnosis the brainwashed Sirhan accepted it.’
Another expert, Dr Herbert Spiegel, a leading medical hypnotist, said of Sirhan: ‘It’s very possible to distort and change somebody’s mind through a number of hypnotic sessions. It can be described as brainwashing because the mind is cleared of its old emotions and values which are replaced by implanting other suggestions. . . . This technique was probably used with Sirhan. From my own research, I think Sirhan was subjected to hypnotic treatment.’
This is all very impressive stuff- or pure nonsense according to your individual reaction; but I cannot quote what any psychiatrist or psychologist has said about the possibility of Mark Chapman having been narco-hypnotically programmed to commit his crime because no psychiatrist or psychologist, whether for the prosecution or the defence, ever appears to have been asked to consider that situation - either in the run-up to his trial or at any time since. Furthermore, there has been no PSE evaluation of his many hours
MIND CONTROL II 51
of taped interviews with prosecution and defence psychiatrists and psychologists.
There is an odd footnote to all this: the principal medical defence witness for Sirhan was Dr Bernard Diamond of the University of California, one of America’s leading psychiatrists who used hypnosis in his work. Thirteen years later he was to be one of ,the defence psychiatrists in Mark’s case. His diagnosis for the two men was the same: paranoid schizophrenia. Yet he seems not to have used hypnosis in either of his two interviews with Mark, although he hypnotized Sirhan on six of his eight visits to great effect. For instance, when Dr Diamond asked Sirhan where he had concealed his gun while waiting for Kennedy, Sirhan, in his trance, went for the inside of his belt on the left side - and the police at last knew where he had carried the weapon.
Early in his sessions, Dr Diamond found that Sirhan was happier answering questions in writing, when interviewed under hypnosis, than in speaking. ‘It is called automatic writing,’ Diamond later explained, ‘and the term aptly describes the way Sirhan would write like a robot and keep on repeating a word or phrase until I stopped him.’
A crucial piece of evidence against Sirhan, to prove premeditation, was a page from various notebooks found in his bedroom in which he had written these jumbled words:
May 18, 9:45 a.m. - 68. My determination to eliminate RFK is becoming more the more of an unshakable obsession. . . RFK must die - RFK must be killed Robert F. Kennedy must be assassinated RFK must be assassinated RFK must be assassinated Robert F. Kennedy must be assassinated before 5 June 68 Robert F. Kennedy must be assassinated I have never heard please pay to the order of of of of of of of of of this or that please pay to the order of. . .
In fact, his notebooks were full of strange writings, often with words repeated three times or more. Sirhan said that he did not remember writing in the notebooks but he agreed that he must have done. So at one point Dr Diamond showed him a photocopy of one of the bizarre entries and questioned him about it, while he was still in a hypnotic trance. ‘Is this crazy writing?’ Diamond asked.
_______________________________________________________________________________
http://ftp.oit.unc.edu/prism/jan98/chron.html
Greensboro, NC Massacre of The Communist Workers Party
Greensboro Massacrehome ||| current issue ||| past stories about The Prism ||| volunteers ||| other sites
Chronology of the November 3, 1979 Greensboro Massacre and its Aftermath
Prior History
Members of what would become the Communist Workers Party (CWP) worked in
textile mills and organized coworkers; helped in neighborhood community
organizing in Greensboro; and joined with other groups in fighting
injustice with such acts as the China Grove confrontation with the Ku Klux
Klan (KKK).
Meanwhile, in spite of the efforts of anti-racism groups and individuals,
the Klan (and the American Nazi Party) are gaining membership and
influence. The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms of the US Treasury
Department recruited Edward Dawson as an agent to infiltrate the Ku Klux
Klan, ostensibly as an informant.
Prelude to November 3
One of the activities that was chosen to assist in both community
organizing and anti-racism was a "Death to the Klan" parade and rally in
Greensboro.
The march and rally were planned and duly permitted with the Greensboro
Police. The rally was scheduled for the Morningside Heights housing
project, one of the neighborhoods in Greensboro with an active community
organization.
Two days prior to the march, which had been publicized as much as
possible, of course, one of the Klan members went to the police station to
obtain the map of the march and the rally.
November 3
While the march was in progress, the Klan/Nazis, with the leadership of
Edward Dawson, loaded several car trunks with firearms and headed for the
rally site in a caravan of nine cars. As they neared the rally site, a
Greensboro Police cruiser became the tenth car in the motorcade.
Meanwhile, Greensboro Police dispatcher(s) ordered the other police
assigned to the rally to go on a break.
When the Klan/Nazis arrived, they pulled up to the curb in a group,
alighted from the cars, calmly went to the trunks, removed their weapons,
and began firing into the crowd of demonstrators. No police intervention
was forthcoming. Contrary to the popular view of the incident, this was
not a shootout: only one demonstrator had a firearm (a pistol), and only
one round was fired from it, hitting no one. Four demonstrators died at
the scene, including one who was shot between the eyes as she looked out
from cover; several were wounded, including one who died three days later,
and one who is paraplegic to this day. Since all of this was recorded on
video tape by a local news camera operator, there"s not much doubt about
who did what to whom, when.
Following the massacre (which seems an appropriate description) the
Klan/Nazis got back in their cars and sped away. There was no police
intervention.
The Aftermath
Following the massacre, the survivors of the group of organizers declared
themselves as members of the Communist Workers Party (CWP). The fifth
victim to die, Michael Nathan, joined the CWP from his hospital bed.
Some of the responsible members of the assassination team were soon
apprehended but, since the demonstrators were now "communists", their
trial for murder resulted in acquittals. The survivors then brought
wrongful death suits against the Klan/Nazis and the city of Greensboro,
resulting in a judgment for over $300,000. This judgment was the origin of
the Greensboro Justice Fund.
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http://www.lib.unc.edu/mss/inv/g/Greensboro_Civil_Rights_Fund
Manuscripts Department
Library of the University of North Carolina
at Chapel Hill
SOUTHERN HISTORICAL COLLECTION
#4630
GREENSBORO CIVIL RIGHTS FUND RECORDS
Initial Inventory
Abstract: On 3 November 1979, members of the Ku Klux Klan
and Nazi Party attacked Communist Workers Party (CWP)
demonstrators as they gathered for a public march in
Greensboro, N.C. Five CWP members were killed and
eleven others were injured. The Greensboro Civil
Rights Fund (GCRF) was organized by the families and
friends of the deceased CWP members and raised about
$700,000 to prosecute the Ku Klux Klan, the Nazi
Party, the Greensboro Police Department, the FBI, and
the BATF.
Material of the Greensboro Civil Rights
Fund/Greensboro Justice Fund relating to three court
cases stemming from the casualties of the 3 November
1979 riot in Greensboro. The collection contains
subject files, beginning in 1979, including records of
trial defendants, plaintiffs, and witnesses, as well
as publications, propaganda, memoranda, reports, and
notes from organizations related to the GCRF and the
GJF; copies of investigative files, including
correspondence, witness interviews, autopsy reports,
and lab test reports; copies of official court
records, including deposition transcripts, pleading
books, transcripts of trial testimony, and "discovery"
material; court exhibit files contain "scene evidence"
collected by the police at the murder scene and copies
of investigation reports from the FBI, the BATF, and
the Greensboro Police Department; office and
organizational files, including correspondence,
address lists, memoranda, newsletters, position
papers, press releases, research materials, financial
records, and newspaper clippings; copies of videotapes
of the actual Klan-Nazi attack, three documentary
television shows, and audio cassette tapes of
interviews with surviving CWP demonstrators.
Online Catalog Terms:
Communist Workers Party (U.S.).
Communists--North Carolina.
Courts--North Carolina--History--20th century.
Greensboro (N.C.)--Demonstration (1979).
Greensboro Civil Rights Fund.
Greensboro Justice Fund.
Ku Klux Klan (1915- ).
National Socialist Party of America.
Riots--North Carolina--Greensboro.
United States. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms.
United States. District Court (North Carolina : Middle
District).
United States. Federal Bureau of Investigation.
Size: About 100,000 items (210.0 linear feet).
Provenance: Received from the Greensboro Justice Fund in
February 1992.
Access: This collection is processed only to the box level
and is available only with special staff
assistance.
Processing Note: As per the gift agreement for this collection,
some materials were removed by a
representative of Dr. Martha Nathan after this
inventory was prepared. Some materials listed
here thus may no longer actually be present.
A copy of this inventory marked by Dr,
Nathan's representative to show what was
removed is available on request.
Copyright: Retained by the authors of items in these papers,
or their descendants, as stipulated by United
States copyright law.
Table of Contents:
Historical Note
Series Descriptions
Series 1. Subject files
Series 2. Investigative files
Series 3. Court Records
Series 4. Other GJF/GCRF files
Series 5. Audio-Visual Material
Restricted Material
Additions after 1993
Shelf List
HISTORICAL NOTE
1979 Spring/Summer: Workers Viewpoint Organization (WVO) members in North Carolina became concerned about the re-emergence of the Ku Klux Klan and began anti-Klan activities.
Fall: WVO members organized an anti-Klan march and conference for November 3, 1979, in Greensboro, N.C.
October: The WVO became the Communist Workers Party (CWP) for reasons unrelated to the march.
November 3: Members of the Ku Klux Klan and Nazi Party from around the state came to Greensboro and attacked CWP members as they gathered for the march. Five CWP members were killed and eleven others were injured. Police were not present despite an official parade permit for the march. Police arrested 3 CWP demonstrators on misdemeanor charges and, over the ensuing weeks, arrested 16 Klansmen and Nazis on murder and riot charges.
1980 Spring: The Greensboro Justice Fund (GJF) was organized by the families and friends of the deceased CWP members. The GJF began fundraising for a civil suit on behalf of the victims.
May 5: State prosecutors brought felony charges against six anti-Klan demonstrators, including CWP leader Nelson Johnson.
Summer: Newspaper accounts revealed that Klansman Ed Dawson, who had organized and led the Klan on November 3, 1979, was a paid Greensboro police informant and past FBI informant. In another investigation, a Greensboro newspaper discovered that Bernard Butkovich, an undercover agent of the Federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms (BATF), had infiltrated the Nazi unit involved in the attack. Butkovich participated in a pre- attack planning meeting and encouraged at least one Nazi to bring guns to Greensboro.
August 4 - November 17: Six Klansmen and Nazis were tried on state murder and rioting charges (State vs. Fowler, et al., Superior Court, Guilford County). No police officials were tried and neither Dawson nor Butkovich testified. All six Klansmen and Nazis were acquitted. Following the acquittals, felony charges against the CWP demonstrators were dropped.
November 3: The GJF filed a $37 million Federal Civil Rights Lawsuit (Waller vs. Butkovich) against the KKK, the Nazi Party, the Greensboro Police Department, the FBI, and the BATF. The case was filed by the GJF on behalf of the families of the five deceased CWP members and the others who had been injured or wrongfully arrested on November 3, 1979.
1981 Spring: The GJF mounted a campaign to convince the U.S. Department of Justice to prosecute the Klansmen and Nazis for federal civil rights violations.
May: Outgoing U.S. Attorney General H.M. Michaux released to press a letter to Assistant Attorney General W.B. Reynolds suggesting that the Klansmen and Nazis should be indicted on federal civil rights conspiracy charges.
Fall: The GJF and the Christic Institute organized and recruited board members for the Greensboro Civil Rights Fund (GCRF), which subsequently carried on fundraising to finance the Waller vs. Butkovich case.
1982 January: Plaintiffs attempted to begin discovery in the civil rights suit. Federal and city defendants in Waller obtained a stay of all discovery pending determination of the motions to dismiss. All discovery was stayed until April 1984.
March: The Federal Justice Department convened a 21- person Grand Jury in Winston-Salem, N.C. to hear evidence about the November 3rd events. That grand jury sat for 14 months, until April 1983.
September: In an attempt to force the U.S. Justice Department to appoint a special prosecutor to investigate the possibility of federal involvement in the murders, the GCRF filed a suit against the U.S. Attorney General (Nathan vs. Attorney General). Over 20 groups, including the National Council of Churches and the Congressional Black Caucus, signed onto amicus briefs in support of the request for a special prosecutor. Judge Gerhard Gessell ruled for the plaintiffs, but was later overturned by the U.S. Circuit Court for the District of Columbia.
1983 April 22: The federal grand jury returned indictments against nine Klansmen and Nazis, including Ed Dawson, the Klan member who had been the informant for the Greensboro Police Department and FBI, on federal charges of conspiracy to violate civil rights and violation of civil rights. It was also revealed that Klansman Mark Sherer had already secretly pleaded guilty to conspiracy charges in U.S. vs Mark Sherer. Sherer eventually served a few months in a minimum security facility -- the only Klansmen or Nazi to be convicted or serve time for the November 3rd murders.
December 6: Judge Robert R. Merhige, Jr. conducted the first hearing in Waller vs. Butkovich, declaring that he would uphold the stay on discovery pending conclusion of the federal criminal trial.
1984 January 9 - April 15: Federal criminal trial of the nine Klansmen and Nazis in U.S. vs Griffin, et al. The trial began with secret jury selection, which was unsuccessfully contested by four North Carolina newspapers, and ended with the acquittal of all 9 Klansmen and Nazis.
April 22: Judge Merhige finally lifted the stay on discovery material and allowed the opening of the investigation in the Waller vs. Butkovich civil rights suit.
Spring 1984 - March 1985: Trial preparation, which included submission of discovery material, legal battles over the scope of discovery material, jury issues, etc.
1985 March 11: Opening day of the Waller vs. Butkovich civil rights suit in Winston-Salem, N.C.
June 7: Jury found 2 police officers and 6 Klansmen and Nazis (including Ed Dawson, the Klan informant for the police and FBI) liable for the wrongful death of one of the deceased, and for assault and battery on two survivors. The jury awarded damages totaling close to $400,000.
June 8: The police, Klan, Nazis, and plaintiffs filed notices of appeal.
November 6: By consent order, the police, Klan, Nazis, and plaintiffs agreed to drop their motions for a new trial and any potential appeals. The city of Greensboro paid the entire wrongful death verdict against the two police officers and six Klansmen and Nazis.
SERIES DESCRIPTIONS
Series 1. Subject files 1980-1986. About 18,500 items. Arrangement: Alphabetical by file title.
A wide array of records relating to Waller vs. Butkovich, the GCRF's civil rights suit against the KKK, the Nazi Party, the Greensboro Police Dept., the FBI, and the BATF. Included are files regarding trial defendants, plaintiffs, and witnesses as well as letters written to the plaintiffs by their GCRF attorneys explaining the legal situation and trial developments. Series 1 also contains publications, propaganda, memoranda, reports, notes and other material from the Communist Worker's Party, the Ku Klux Klan, the Nazi Party, and other organizations related to the GCRF. Note: 15 oversize posters have been removed from this material and have been filed as OP-4630/6-20.
Box 1 Advertisements
Advisory Board
African Liberation Support Committee (ALSC)
Alexander, John
Allison, Dolan
Allison, Linda Paulette
Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union
American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU)
Amicus Curiae for Special Prosecutor
Amnesty International
Anderson, Gladys
Anti-Defamation League
Anti-Semitism
Anvil Article
Arbitration
Armel, John
Armfield, James
Arrests: 7/31 & 8/1 of Sampson, Waller, Johnson, Nathan
Asheville Bombing Case
Assassinations
Assault 8/6
Atkins, Reverend Henry
Audio Ballistics Technology
Babbitt, William
Bagley, Smith
Ballistics
Barco, Dan
Barnes, James E.
Battle, Brendon
Beaver, Geraldine
Bennet, Jim
Benson, Chris
Benson, Walter
Bergman v. US
Bermanzohn, Paul (Plaintiff; CWP demonstrator who was
paralyzed by a gunshot on Nov 3.)
Berrigan, Daniel & Philip
Bethel, Larry
Bierlair, Cindy Hall Jenkins
Black Caucus, Congressional
Black Land Loss
Black Workers for Justice
Blind Workers Strike
Blitz, Allen (Plaintiff; arrested for CWP activities)
Box 2 Blitz, Dorothy (Plaintiff; arrested for CWP activities)
Blitz: CETA (Comprehensive Employment and Training Act)
Blumenthal, Laura
Board meetings and memos
Bogaty, Leonard
Bost, Joe
Boston Police Community Disorder Unit
Bouras, Johnny
Bowden, John L.
Boyd, Allen
Boyd, Ed
Bradshaw, Bobby
Brande, Charles
Braswell, Frank
Brooks, Sharon
Brooks, Warren
Browning, William
Brownlee, family
Buck, Hatcher
Buck, James George
Burke, T.L. (Defendant; Greensboro Police Sergeant)
Burlington Mills Demonstration
Burn
Bursey, Brett
Butkovich, Bernard (Defendant; undercover BATF agent)
Byrd, Henry
Box 3 Cable Splicer
Cahoon, Robert (Defense lawyer)
Call for Justice
Campaign for Political Rights
Cannon, Willena (Plaintiff; arrested for CWP activities)
Carpenter, Stephen
Carrington, Curtis Moses
Carthan, James
Cauce, Floris
Caudle, Jean
Caudle, Raeford Milano (Defendant; Nazi)
Cavin, Winston
Caviness, M.L.
Cawn, M.A. (Defendant; Greensboro Police Officer)
Cemetary Monument - "vandalism"
Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR)
Center for Investigative Journalism
Center on Government Repression
Chambers, Charles
Character Witnesses
Charlotte Picketing Ordinance
Chattanooga
Chee, Manlin
China Grove
Christic Institute
CIA (Central Intelligence Agency)
Citizens Commission
Box 4 Citizens for Justice & Unity
Citizens Review Commission
City of Chester v. Naomi Addison [S.C.]
Civil Rights Suit, Greensboro
Clark, Elizabeth Wilma
Clark, Shirley vs. Cone Mills Corp.
Clark, Thomas (Plaintiff; CWP demonstrator, injured on
Nov. 3)
Clinton, Michael (Defendant; Klansman)
Clippinger, Frank
Cloninger, Kenneth
Cointelpro
Colcor
Collateral estopped efforts of acquittals
Colvert, Major Phil
Commemoration - Nov 3 1981 & 1982
Committee for Justice
Communist Worker's Party (CWP)
Box 5 Communist Worker's Party (CWP)
Box 6 Communist Worker's Party (CWP)
Box 7 Community Relations Service
Concerned Citizens
Cone Mills Corp.
Conferences: LAGJ & NOW, 4/81
Congress: Endorsers & Hearings
Conroy, Edward
Consolidation - Greensboro Civil Rights Legislation Fund
Contracts
Conyers, John
Cooley, Earl
Corporate Tax Study 1974
Correspondence, misc.
Box 8 Correspondence, misc.
Council, Barbara
Covington, Harold (Defendant; Nazi)
Crawford, Daisy Robinson
Creasman, B.W.
Criminal Procedure
Criswell, H (BATF spokesman)
Crossburning at Atkins residence
Crosswell, Jack
Cuirdeff, Larry
Culture
Cuthbertson, D.P.
Dail, Herman Graham
Dalton, David (Media)
Daughtry, Sylvester (Defendant; Greensboro Police
Lieutenant)
Davis, Donald E.
Davis, James Lloyd
Box 9 Dawson, Edward (Defendant; Klansman and Police informant)
Deaton, Philip
Decatur, Alabama incident - May 26, 1979
Delaney, Bo
Democratic Party
Dickerson, Glenn R.
di Grazia, Robert (Plaintiff's Police Expert)
Dillard, Veronica
Dinkins Letter
Direct Mail
Disarm
Disclosure of Agents
District Attorney's Bail Revocation, 8/1
Dobbins, Patricia
Dominica - attempted Klan and Nazi coup
Domingo & Viernes
Dorsett, George (Chaplain in the Klan)
Drummond, Frankie Lee Drummond
Duke, David (Grand Wizard of KKK)
Duke Workers Grievance Committee and N.C. Guild
Dukes, R.F.
Durham Police Dept.
Box 10 Eavesdropping devices
Edmisten, Rufus
Edmonson, Root
Elections
Electronic Surveillance
El Salvador
Emergency Mgt. Assistance, Greensboro
Endorsers of Suit: Literature & Statements
Episcopal Church
Estate files, misc. (Sampson, Smith, & Waller)
Evans, William A.
Evidence, summary of
Fact-Finders
Fact Sheets & Memos
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), misc.
Federal Court Forms
Federal Packets, incomplete
Federal Prosecution
Federation for Progress (FFP)
Feds. - No Duty
Film
Box 11 Finch, Charles
Findley, Charles Lee
Fink, Robert
First Amendment
Flanagan, N.
Fleming, Glenn
Fletcher, Brent
Flippen, Barry
Fort Bragg
Foster, Ron
Franklin, Billy Joe (Defendant; Klansman)
Franklin, Linda Faye Queen
Fratkin, Elliot M.
Frazier, Peggy J.
Freedom of Information & Privacy Act (FOIPA)
Freeman, J.G. (Defendant; Greensboro Police Officer)
Friedman, Robert Daniel
Fulks, Charles
Fuller, Glenn
Fundraising: Advisory Board & Proposals
Box 12 Gag Order
Garrow article/ FBI
Gay Rights
Gell, Libby
Geneva Trip Aug, 1983
Gentry, J.J.
Gibson, Paul
Gibson, Tammy
Gibson, Walter
Giles, Leonard
Glass, Murv - FOIPA Suit
Global Ministries Presentation
Goforth, Tommy
Goldberg, Richard (Special Agent, FBI)
Goldston, Henry
Government Misconduct
Grady, Joe
Grants
Great Movement
Greenlea, Kathleen
Greensboro Coal
Greensboro "6"
Greensboro 8
Greensboro Elections
Greensboro Justice Committee
Greeson, Rick
Grenada
Griffith, Gary
Griffin, Virgil (Defendant; KKK Grand Dragon)
Gruyson, Keith
Guatemala
Gun Control
Hairston, Joe
Hamilton, Marie
Hampton, Iberia
Harmon, Sam
Harris, Charles
Harris, Steve
Hartsoe, Rene
Hartsoe, Terry Wayne (Defendant; Klansman)
Hatcher, James Jerry
Havekost, Don
Hayes, Harry McLean
Health Care Alliance
Helms, Jesse
Henderson, Capt. W.L.
Heritage Foundation
Higgins, Rev. Arthur Lee
Hill, Pamela
Box 13 Hobby
Holden, James
Hollywood
Holt, Howard W.
Honorarium
Hoppes, Grady
Horwitz, Geri
Hubert, Eugene (media)
Huckabee, R.D.
Hudson, Dr. Page
Human Relations Commission
Human Rights Festival
Hunger
Hunt, James (N.C. Governor)
Hypnosis
Illustrations
Immigration
Independent Political Action Conference
Indictments - NJ/Lewis
Indigents - Counsel, etc.
Inge, Alice
International Support
International Tribunal
Jackson, Jesse
Jarrett, Coy (Deputy Sheriff)
Jenkins, Leila
Jericho
Johnson, Curtis
Johnson, Dale (Sheriff)
Johnson, Denielle
Johnson, Doris Heath
Johnson, Joyce
Johnson, Michael
Box 14 Johnson, Nelson (Plaintiff; leader of CWP)
Johnson, T.R.
Jordan, Henry
Justice Department
Keathley, Miles (Assistant Dir. of BATF)
Kelly, Richard
Kennedy Assassination - Acoustics Analysis
King, Coretta
King, Martin Luther
Kinoy, Arthur
Klanwatch
Kleindeinst, Richard
Kluttz, Eddie Monroe
Koenig, Bruce
Korotkin, Gayle
Krumperman, Kurt
Box 15 Ku Klux Klan: Material, History, Newsletters, etc.
Labor
Laitin, Joseph
Larouche, Lyndon
Law Students Civil Rights Research Council, Inc. (LSCRRC)
Lawyers: Articles & Defense
Leads, Misc.
League, A.A. (Defendant; Greensboro Police Officer)
Lebanon
Ledford, Barbara
Lee, Rev. Wilson
Box 16 Legal Issues in Case
Legal Services
Lemons, Larry
Leonard, William O.
Levy, Mordechai
Lincoln County Sheriff
Lipscomb, Lois
Lisenby, Robert
Literature
Little River
Liuzzo, Anthony
Llewellyn, Ted
Lojko, M.
Los Angeles
Lovelace, Hewitt (Defendant; Greensboro Police Officer)
Lowman, Bernice
Loy, D.B. (Greensboro PD)
Luckey, Paul Leonard
Luther, Steve
Lynch, James (BATF agent)
McBride, Claude M. (Defendant; Nazi)
McCarthyism
McClain, Lee Joseph
McGuire, Phil (BATF agent)
McHargue, Curtis
McIver, Ethel
MacKay, Patricia
McManis Associates
Manduley, O.
Maness, R.
Manzella, Rand (Plaintiff; injured on Nov. 3)
Mapp, James
Maps
March, Civil Rights
Marshall, Bernard
Marshall Service Forms
Mason, James Allen
Massick, David
Box 17 Matthews, David W. (Defendant; Klansman)
Matthews, Horace
Maultsby, James
Media
Medical Info & Records
Melton, F.M. (Police Officer)
Melvin, Edwin (Jim)
Memos, misc.
Mercenaries
Merhige, Judge
Mesimer, Gilbert (Mayor)
Methodists
Miami Violence
Michaux
Miller, Fanny
Miller, Glenn
Miller, Ronald
Miller, Ruby Leigh
Ministerial Alliance
Minor, Grover
Mitchell, Burley
Box 18 Moff, David
Montgomery, June Montgomery (retired GPD Detective)
Moore, Wayne
Morgan, Lawrence Gene (Defendant; Klansman)
Morgan, Thomas
Morris, R.G.
Moses, Cecil (Defendant; FBI agent)
Mosny, Paul
Motion for a Protective Order
Mouvement Contre Le Racisme
Myers, Edgar
Nappier, Lisford Carl (Defendant; Klansman)
Nathan, Martha (Plaintiff; husband (Michael) killed on
Nov. 3)
Nathan, Michael (CWP member, killed on Nov. 3)
National Anti-Klan Network (NAKN)
National Assoc. for the Advancement of Colored People
(NAACP)
National Black Independent Political Party
National Black Organizers Conference (NBOC)
National Committee Against Repressive Legislation
National Committee to Combat Women's Oppression (NCCWO)
National Conference of Black Lawyers (NCBL)
National Council of the Churches of Christ (NCCC)
National Foundation for Study of Religion & Economics
National Labor Relations Board (NLRB)
National Lawyers Guild (NLG)
National Security Agency (NSA)
National Steel & Shipbuilding Co. (NASSCO)
Box 19 Nazi Party: Bombing Plot, Conspiracy Charges, Indictments,
etc.
Norris, Bobby Joe
NC Association of Women Attorneys
NC Civil Liberties Union (NC-CLU)
NC Delegation
NC National Organization for Women (NC-NOW)
NC Prison & Jail Project
NC State Agencies
North Carolina, misc.
North Carolinians Against Klan/Nazi (NCAKN)
North Carolinians Against Racist & Religious Violence (NC
ARRV)
Northeastern Law School, Co-op program
Northern Ireland
Oglesky, Karen
Osborne, Thomas
Osteen, William
Outreach Correspondence
Overcash, Richard A.
Ozment, W.D. (Defendant; Greensboro Police Lieutenant)
Pakistan
Palmer, Charlie
Pamphlet
Paramilitary Camps - Laws & Bans
Parenti/Kazdin
Parker, Annie Pearl
Parks, Bill
Patrick, Jack
Payne, G.D.
Peck, James
Pelczar, Andrew (Defendant; head of FBI's Greensboro
office)
Pelles, Donald (Plaintiff; injured on Nov. 3)
Pelles, Rosaly
Pence, Robert
Pennica, Sam
People United for Jobs or Income (PUJI)
Petition Campaign
Pettier, Leonard
Philippines
Pierce, Gorrell (Defendant; Klansman)
Pittman, Jerry
Plaintiffs
Plante, Greg
Box 20 Police Brutality
Police Misconduct Seminar
Police Spies
Pompa, Gilbert R.
Posse Comitatus
Post office issue
Powell, Frankie (Plaintiff; injured on Nov. 3)
Presbyterian Church Resolution
Press, Church
Press, Old
Private Prosecutor
Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization (PATCO)
Project Censored
Protective Orders
Pruett, Barry
Public Broadcasting Network (PBS) - 88 Seconds Documentary
Race Relations
Rachel, Bobby Joe
Racial Justice Working Group
"Radical Law in 80's - Tockman paper
Radio Transmissions
Rally - May 3, 1980 - Free Greensboro 3
Ray, Charles
Reams, Chester
Redbaiting
"Red November, Black November"
Reese, Marshall (BATF Pilot)
Refugee Case - Texas
Regional Organized Crime Info Center (ROCIC)
Relation Back - Rule 15(c)
Religious Orders
Report, Brereton (FBI)
Report, Greensboro Citizens Review Committee
Report, Greensboro Human Rights Commission
Report, Greensboro Police
Report, Institute for Southern Studies (ISS)
Report, MacKay
Report, McManus
Report, NY
Report, "Race Relations in Greensboro"
Reporters, National
Box 21 Repressive Legislation
Response, City
Resurgence of Klan
Reviews: Books and Movies
Revolutionary Communist Party (RCP)
Right Wing
Ritter, Gary
Roberson, Eugene Rodaz
Robertson, Mike
Robinson, Dr. Steven
Roche, James
Rockett, Timothy Luke
Rollins, Dr. Robert
Rosenberg Case
Ross, Linda
Rules of District Court, MDNC
Russell, Lacie (Plaintiff; arrested for CWP activities)
Sain, Vicki
Sampson, Dale (Plaintiff; husband killed on Nov. 3)
Save Our Democracy (SOD)
Scales, Junius
Schlosser
Scholarships
Second World Conf. to Combat Racism
Seeger
Self Defense
Shannon, Roger
Sheehan, Dan
Shelton, Robert
Box 22 Sherer, Mark (Defendant; Klansman who fired first at CWP)
Shockley, Philip
Siegel, Dan
Silkwood
Simms, Derek Scott
Simms, Percy Timothy
Sims, Francina
Sinclair, Matthew
Slade, Elizabeth
Smith, Jerry Paul (Defendant; Klansman)
Smith, Mark (Plaintiff; wife killed on Nov. 3)
Smith, Sandi
Smith, W. L.
Socialist Workers Party (SWP)
Song Sheets
South Africa
Southern Poverty Law Center
Southerners for Economic Justice
Spartacist League
Speakers Bureau
Special Prosecutor - articles & Position Papers
Box 23 Special Prosecutor - articles & Position Papers
Speeches
Spellman, Bobbie (FBI Detective)
Splawn, Roy Dargan
Spoon, P.W. (Defendant; Greensboro Police Lieutenant)
Spraypainting
Starling, Haywood (NC-SBI Officer)
Statesville
Statute of Limitations
Stevenson, Rexford
Stockard
Stone, Charles
Stuart, Carmen
Students, Volunteer Law
Superstructure Outreach
Sweat, Michael
Sweet, Ruby Lee
Swing, William (Greensboro Police Chief)
Box 24 Talbott, Robert L.
Talley, Ronald
Tampering
Tape Reporting Services, Inc.
Tarleton, William
Tax Exempt Status
Taylor, Beulah
Tchula, Mississippi
Tel-Amco, Inc.
Television Shows
Textile Workers
Thomas, B.L. (Defendant; Greensboro Police Captain)
Thompson, Harry
Three Mile Island
Tockman, Earle
Tombstone Desecration
Toney, Roy Clinton (Defendant; Klansman)
Trade Union Education League (TUEL)
Transou, Robert
Travis, Allen
Travis, Charles
Treatment
Triad United Nations Association 1984
Trial - Mobilization Plan & Preparations
Tung, Jerry
Turner, Alonzo
Turner, Larry
Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS)
Unitarians
United Nations
United Racist Front
U.S. Department of Justice
U.S. Labor Party
Valentine, Patricia
Vaughn, George Gregory
Vehicle Registration Materials
Victims Network
Videotapes
Vines, Joseph
Voir Dire
Voting Rights Act
Box 25 Waddell, Gilbert
Wade, Major Conrad
Walker, Mrs. Glenn
Walker, William Ernie
Waller, Signe (Plaintiff; husband killed on Nov. 3)
War
Ward, Eddie
Warren, Jesse
Waters, James
Waters, Rachel
Watson, Catherine
Weathers, Mabel
Webster, William
Wells, Lyn
Weston, Floris Cauce
Westra, J. (Defendant; BATF agent)
Wheaton, Liz
Box 26 White, Barney Lang
White, Jane Ellen
White, Mary Katherine
White, Michael
White Oak Organizing Committee (WOOC)
White, Roger
Wilderness Society
Wilkerson, Willie Carl
Wilkes, Gerald
Wilkinson, Frank
Williams, David C. (Defendant; Greensboro Police Captain)
Williams, Joseph T. (Defendant; Greensboro Police Officer)
Williamson, Everett E.
Williamson, Nelson
Wilsonk, Frederick H.
Wise, April
Witherspoon, Maynard
Witlow, Steve
Women's International League for Peace & Freedom (WILPF)
Women's Movement
Wood, Roland Wayne (Defendant; Nazi leader)
World Anti-Communist League (WACL)
World Council Grant
Wrenn, James (Plaintiff; injured on Nov. 3)
Wynn, Major E.R.
Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU)
Series 2. Investigation files 1979-1984. About 16,000 items. Arrangement: Alphabetical.
Copies of files from the five law enforcement agencies that investigated the murders of November 3, 1979. Included are correspondence, interviews of witnesses, transcripts of witness interviews, autopsy reports, lab test reports, reports of the physical evidence, reports of an internal investigation within the BATF, and FBI commentary on the activities of the GJF and GCRF.
Box 27-29 Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms
29-46 Federal Bureau of Investigation
46-49 Greensboro Police Department
49-50 North Carolina State Board of Investigation
50 Winston-Salem Police Department
Series 3. Court Records and Exhibits 1980-1985. About 45,000 items. Arrangement: Alphabetical.
Copies of official court documents and records from the GCRF's civil rights trial (Waller vs. Butkovich), the N.C. state criminal trial (State vs. Fowler, et. al.), and the federal criminal trial (U.S. vs. Griffin, et. al.). Included are deposition transcripts of plaintiffs, defendants, and witnesses from all three trial proceedings; 45 volumes of pleadings from the Waller vs. Butkovich case and a few pleadings from U.S. vs. Griffin; most of the transcripts from State vs. Fowler, less than half of the testimony from U.S. vs. Griffin, and only the closing argument from Waller; "discovery" material contains miscellaneous claims, counterclaims, motions, notices, orders, petitions, and responses filed by the plaintiffs and defendants of Waller.
Court exhibit files contain copies of reports, maps, photographs, and investigation notes from the FBI, the BATF, and the Greensboro Police Department. Physical evidence includes "scene evidence" picked up by the police at the murder scene on Nov. 3rd, including CWP banners, blood-stained clothing removed from the bodies of victims, shotgun pellets removed from victims, and a klan effigy utilized by the demonstrators. Some additional physical evidence (e.g., a guitar shattered by shotgun pellets) was returned to the plaintiffs.
Note: 5 oversize maps have been separated from the "Exhibits" and have been filed as OP-4630/1-5.
Box 51 Affidavits
51 Court Instructions (to Jury)
Depositions
51 List of depositions
51-60 Deposition files
61-63 Audio tapes
64-70 "Discovery" Material, misc.: Claims,
Counterclaims, Motions, Notices, Orders,
Petitions, Responses, etc.
Exhibits
71 List of exhibits
71-80 Exhibit files
80 Photographs
81-84 Physical evidence
85-89 Grand Jury Material
89 Jury Selection files
Pleading Books
90 Index to Pleading Books
90 Books #1 - 8
91 Books #9 - 17
92 Books #18 - 25
93 Books #26 - 33
94 Books #34 - 42
94-95 "Pleadings to be filed in Pleading Books"
95 Subpoenas
Trial Transcripts
95 List of testimony
95-111 Testimony
111 Closing argument
Series 4. Other GJF/GCRF files 1980-1986. About 20,500 items. Arrangement: Alphabetical.
Office and organizational files from the GJF and GCRF, including correspondence, contact and contribution lists, memoranda, newsletters, position papers, press releases, research materials, a survey of August 1984 examining public opinion of the Waller case, and financial records such as annual financial reports, expense receipts, and bank statements. Other files contain newspaper clippings, copies of newspaper clippings, and copies of magazine articles; this material is more complete for Greensboro-area newspapers than outside the Greensboro area.
Box 112-114 Financial
114-115 Mailing Lists
115 Newsletters
115-124 Newspaper Clippings
124 Press Releases
125 Survey, August 1984
126-138 Miscellaneous Articles, Books, Notes, and
Research Materials
Series 5. Audio-Visual Material 1979-1985. About 50 items. Arrangement: Alphabetical.
Copies of videotapes of the actual klan-nazi attack (some of these have time-codes which were added by the FBI lab to facilitate analysis of the sequence of gunfire) and three documentary television shows: "Red November, Black November," an 80-minute documentary/political tract about the people who were killed and the events; "88 Seconds in Greensboro," a 55-minute documentary produced for the PBS "Frontline" series, by WGBH- Boston; and "Resurgence: The Movement for Equality vs. the Ku Klux Klan," a 55-minute documentary focusing on the anti-union and racist views of the KKK and Nazis in Greensboro.
There are also audio cassette tapes of the interviews of the surviving demonstrators by the FBI and Justice Department attorneys in 1982. See Series 3 for copies of cassette tapes from the civil trial depositions.
Box 139 List of Tapes
Audio Tapes
Video Tapes
Addition of April 1995 (Acc. 95051)
Size: About 4000 items (7.5 linear feet).
Dates: 1979-1980s
Provenance: Transfer from Southern Justice Institute.
Access: Closed pending processing.
Description: Court documents and case files related to lawsuits
stemming from the 1979 incident.
SHELF LIST
Boxes 1-26 Series 1
Boxes 27-50 Series 2
Boxes 51-111 Series 3
Boxes 112-138 Series 4
Box 139 Series 5
Boxes 140-144 Addition of April 1995
Items separated: OP-4630/1-20
__________________________________________________________________
http://www.michaelparenti.org/KozyWithKlan.html
Kozy with the Klan
Home | Books | Articles | Tapes | Speaking Engagements Audio Commentaries | Radio Stations | Biography
Kozy with the Klan By Michael Parenti
The mainstream media downplay or ignore the many demonstrations that progressive forces have launched against war and social injustice. But not all demonstrators are slighted. Since the early 1970s, when the press first started announcing that the country was in a "conservative mood," the Ku Klux Klan has been accorded generous coverage. Lengthy and not altogether unsympathetic articles have appeared in the New York Times, Washington Post, Associated Press, Time, Newsweek and other publications. Klan leaders, skinheads, and other hatemongers have appeared on just about every local and national TV talk show. Indeed, the Klan and the media have often seemed entwined in a cozy embrace. The press also displays a partiality toward ultra-right political candidates. Nazi-Klansman David Duke received more national media running for a seat in the Louisiania state legislature than did socialist Bernard Sanders running for the U.S. Congress in Vermont and winning. Likewise, right-wing presidential candidates Pat Buchanan and Ross Perot received immediate and lavish media attention upon announcing their intentions, while the progressive Senator Tom Harkin remained unseen and largely unmentioned from day one of his campaign. The corporate media have a soft spot for right-wingers and for hatemongers like the KKK. Do we want the press to cover or ignore the Klan? The question is poorly put. We certainly want people to be informed about the menace posed by hate groups like the KKK and the American Nazi Party, but we also do not want the media to become promotional weapons for fascists and racists. So the question is not how much coverage but the kind of coverage. Here are some specific criticisms: 1. The press regularly fails to report the Klan's worst features, saying almost nothing in depth about its racism, fascism, anticommunism and anti-Semitism, and almost nothing about its history of violence, arson, terrorism, murder and lynching. Some of that history is not far past: in the last fifteen years at least nine persons have died at the hands of Klan members, while scores have been harassed, intimidated, or injured. 2. The press has lavished attention on the Klan and Nazis, thereby magnifying their visibility and exaggerating their strength and importance. Ten demonstrators marching for some progressive cause would not win national media attention, but Klan and Nazi gatherings of that size have been treated as big news. When the Klan held a much-publicized rally just outside Washington, D.C. in Montgomery County, Maryland, numbering all of twenty-four individuals in robes, 140 media people were there to transmit the event to national audiences. The Nashville Tennessean once ran a nine-part series on the Klan. The series mentioned that the KKK had "a dangerous potential for violence and terror," but it never elucidated the nature of that potential nor mentioned any specific acts. However, it did offer a generous sampling of the Klan's racist opinions. Gannett news service quickly shot the story over the wires and all three major networks reported it. As a result, the Klan's "Imperial Wizard," who liked the articles, started receiving letters from people asking how they could join. (The Tennessean had conveniently published his address.) 3. The press downplays the anti-Klan demonstrators whose numbers are many times larger than KKK participants. The political statement that anti-Klan demonstrators make on behalf of social justice and against racism is usually ignored by the press. The public is left to conclude that they are just hecklers spoiling for a fight. Andy Stapp, an activist with the Workers World Party, offers some instances of double-standard reporting: Anti-Klan demonstrators outnumbered the fascists ten to one at a KKK rally in Connecticut, but CBS, ABC and NBC all focused their cameras on the Klan. Fifty Klansmen parading from Selma to Montgomery drew national attention while 500 [civil rights advocates] marching against racism (67 of whom were arrested) from Savannah to Reidsville prison the same week were virtually censored out of the news. Ten armed KKK terrorists rate a six-column article and a large picture in the New York Times, the same newspaper which printed not one word about the 350,000 Black and White people who demonstrated together [for affirmative action and civil rights] in Washington, DC, the capital of the U.S. 4. The press has no unkind words about how police and government agents collaborate with the Klan and the Nazis, as when police attack anti-Klan protesters, and undercover agents--who supposedly infiltrate the KKK to keep an eye on it--end up playing key organizing roles. One investigation revealed that most of the Klan chapters in certain parts of the South were organized and financed by the FBI. Back in November 1979, a group of Klansmen and Nazis murdered five Communist Workers Party leaders and wounded nine others at an anti-Klan rally in Greensboro, N.C. The role played by undercover agents in organizing and arming the Greensboro terrorists remained a story much neglected by the major news media. The media usually label communists and socialists as the "extreme left" and equate them with the extreme right of Nazis and Klansmen-- which is tantamount to equating those who oppose racism, anti-Semitism and union-busting with those who support such things. The left "extremists," however, do not get the kind of lavish media exposure accorded the Klan. Thus, for years Charlene Mitchell and Angela Davis headed a very active multi-racial organization known as the National Alliance Against Racism and Political Repression. But most people, including many on the left, never heard of the organization even though one of its leaders was a nationally known figure. Like other anti-racist groups the NAARPR suffered from a severe case of media blackout. Fighting racism simply is not news. Advocating and practicing racism is news. Nazis and Klanspeople may be racist and violent but they are not anti-capitalist--which might explain why the corporate press treats them so well. Indeed, throughout much of its history the Klan functioned as a union-busting organization--as did the Nazis in Germany in the early 1930s. Both the Nazi party and the Klan are explicitly anticommunist and anti-socialist. At a demonstration in Springfield, Massachusetts the Klan distributed a leaflet denouncing the "Black Socialist Democratic People's Government" which it claimed was plotting to overthrow "White America." The Klan conjures up imaginary threats to explain away real social problems, attempting to divide people along racial lines by transforming their legitimate economic grievances into a hatred of Blacks, Jews, trade unionists, communists, welfare recipients, and advocates of affirmative action. David Duke is correct: his political agenda is really not that different from George Bush's. The media's coverage of the Klan and the far Right in general over the last twenty years has done its part to keep conservative forces in an ascendant mode. The press gives maximum exposure to the Klanspeople, Nazis, skinheads, hatemongers, David Dukes, Pat Buchanans--all of which widens the rightward range of visible discourse for the George Bushes. Of course, the media do not see it that way. They believe they just go out and get the story. Were they to join in the battle against racism, they would, by their view, be guilty of "advocacy journalism." So instead of exposing hate groups the press gives exposure to hate groups. It's called "objectivity."
Copyright © 1996 Vida Communications and Michael Parenti. All rights reserved.
__________________________________________________________________________
http://www.connix.com/~harry/90s-fbi.htm
ARMIES OF REPRESSION
The FBI, COINTELPRO and Far-Right Vigilante Networks By Tom Burghardt, BACORR-North
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
"Over the years, our approach to investigative problems in the intelligence field
has given rise to a number of new programs, some of which have been most revolutionary,
and it can be assumed that with a continued aggressive approach to these problems,
new and productive ideas will be forthcoming. These ideas will not be increased in
number or improved upon from the standpoint of accomplishments merely through the
institution of a program such as COINTELPRO which is given another name, and which
in fact, only encompasses everything that has been done or will be done in the future."
J. Edgar Hoover, FBI Director, Memorandum, July 15, 1964 [1]
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1. COINTELPRO AND THE FAR-RIGHT: THE POLITICAL CONTEXT OF ANTI-CHOICE VIOLENCE
Now that the Christian Right's anti-abortion, "national cultural and holy war"2
has evolved into a campaign of arson, murder and terror, mainstream "feminist"
groups tied to the capitalist Democratic Party -- NOW, NARRAL, and
The Feminist Majority Foundation -- are demanding that the FBI investigate anti-choice violence.
In the wake of Rev. Paul Hill's assassination of Dr. John Bayard Britton; clinic escort,
James Barrett; and the wounding of clinic escort, June Barrett, July 29 in Pensacola, FL,
the drumbeat for federal intervention has reached deafening proportions.
Armed U.S. Marshals, FBI agents using "special investigative techniques," and police SWAT teams,
however, will neither defend women seeking reproductive health care nor abortion providers;
rather, such intervention will transform women's clinics into armed camps. The net result
of such a massive show of firepower by the State will not guarantee women's safety at clinics.
Neither will such intervention increase women's access to reproductive health care.
Rather, police intervention on such a grand scale, plays into the hands of anti-choice terrorists.
They believe that such displays of State power only assist their own propaganda efforts
and tend to buttress their assertion that "abortion is murder," and that women who control
their bodies are doing something "wrong."
Despite U.S. Attorney General Janet Reno's statement that clinic violence, "is a problem
throughout the nation" and that "it is appropriate to address an issue of deep concern,"3
two more women's clinics have been fire-bombed since Rev. Paul Hill's murderous rampage.
A clinic in Falls Church, VA sustained more than $10,000 in damage, July 30, while a
Planned Parenthood facility in Brainerd, Minnesota, was burned to the ground on August 10;
the Minnesota facility did not perform abortions. During the same period these two clinics
were attacked, a right-wing vigilante was arrested in Philadelphia outside a women's clinic;
six molotov cocktails were seized from the trunk of his car. Reports of death threats
against patients, doctors and health care workers since the Pensacola murders have skyrocketed.
While the State is poised through the Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act (the FACE law),
to legitimize anti-abortion thugs who "sidewalk counsel" and engage in other forms of harassment
against women, gangsters such as convicted clinic bomber, Rev. Michael Bray, an endorser of Hill's
Defensive Action "Declaration" insist:
"Anyone who truly believes that the slaughter of innocent children is what we have with abortion
could go out and shoot an abortionist."4
Similarly, other supporters of the "justifiable homicide" position, go further. According to the
Rev. David Trosch, even pharmacists might eventually become targets. "I would see no problem with
shooting a pharmacist," who provided a "morning after pill" to women who seek to terminate their
pregnancies.5 Trosch, in a July 16 letter that predicted the "massive killing of abortionists
and their staffs," pointedly warned that clinic defenders and reproductive rights activists
"will be sought out and terminated as vermin are terminated."6
Rev. Trosch and C. Roy McMillan, Executive Director of the Christian Action Group in Jackson,
Mississippi, believe that clinic escorts and clinic defenders act as "accomplices," and
therefore, are fair game for right-wing, anti-abortion vigilantes.
McMillan, a weapons specialist who served two tours of duty in Vietnam, believes that,
"Twenty five years later I have not changed my opinion as to the justification of the U.S.
intervention in Vietnam...I assume the enemy I killed were not Christian like me."7
Today, McMillan believes that the killing of unarmed escort, James Barrett, was no more than
so-called "collateral damage."8 Apparently, McMillan's ideological fervor will come in
handy as he, and other zealots wage "cultural civil war" on the home front.
Recent protests in Jackson/Gulfport, Mississippi targeted Black physician, Dr. Joseph Booker,
the sole abortion provider for the entire state. American Coalition of Life Activists (ACLA),
a violent front group founded by Andrew Burnett, publisher of "Life Advocate" magazine and
Joseph Foreman, a founder of Operation Rescue and current Director of Missionaries to the
Preborn (MTP) have vowed to drive Dr. Booker from his practice. Both Burnett and Foreman
were signers of Rev. Hill's Defensive Action "Declaration."
Daniel Ware, a Rescue America member, and friend of Paul Hill's, was arrested in Pensacola
last March for having a cache of weapons and more than 400 rounds of high velocity ammunition
in his car. Ware had vowed to "terminate" abortion providers who had gathered in Pensacola
for a memorial service for Dr. David Gunn, assassinated last year by another Rescue America
member, Michael Griffin. Although prosecuted for having made statements that he intended
"to take out as many child-killers in a Beirut- style massacre," Ware was released after
a Florida jury found him not guilty.9
During the Mississippi protests, Ware declared, "If you sow death and
destruction, you shall reap death and destruction. If you kill
by the sword, then you must be killed by the sword."10
According to a recent Planned Parenthood news conference,
anti-abortion leaders, Randall Terry,
the founder of Operation Rescue, and Matthew Trewhella, a
top leader of Missionaries to the Preborn and a Defensive
Action supporter, have joined forces with the far-right U.S
Taxpayers Party (USTP).
Planned Parenthood released videotaped excerpts of Terry
and Trewhella's speeches to a USTP meeting held in Appleton,
Wisconsin last May. The footage had been obtained by clandestine
anti-fascist researchers. "We're living in terror," said
Pamela Maraldo, president of the Planned Parenthood Federation of America.
While one speaker urged conference participants to "arm their
children," another asserted that "abortionists should be put to
death." The USTP distributed a 100 page manual,
"Principles Justifying the Arming and Organization of a Militia."
The USTP was founded in 1992
by "New Right" guru, Howard Phillips.11 Early supporters of the
organization have included
Larry Pratt, President of Gun Owners of America and Julie Makkima,
Director of the anti-abortion group, Fortress International.
Meanwhile, night-riding fascists from five separate Ku Klux Klan
groups plan to demonstrate outside the Aware Woman Center for
Choice, August 20, in Melbourne, Florida. The clinic,
targeted by Operation Rescue National's (ORN) 12 week long
IMPACT team, paramilitary "boot camp" for "Christian warriors"
in 1993, has been under siege for years.
According to J.D. Alder, imperial advisor to a Florida unit
of the Klan, said that the group listed Rev. Paul Hill as
"the hero of the month." Alder added, "I put an abortionist in the
same category as John Wayne Gacy."
Ostensibly, the Klan groups are gathering to protest the presence
of U.S. Marshals outside women's clinics. "It's big brother.
It's a government who tries to control people through
fear and intimidation," said "former" Klansman, John Baumgardner.
However, the real agenda of these racist hyenas was revealed when
Alder stated, "We consider abortion to be tantamount to
racial suicide because it's primarily white people
killing their babies. I am selectively opposed to abortion.
I don't care if blacks and Jews have abortions. It is white
babies that are our primary concern."12
The convergence of Christian Right Reconstructionist anti-abortion
theocrats, far-right vigilante outfits such as the U.S.
Taxpayers Party, an organization with extensive
ties to the quasi-fascist "posse comitatus" movement of
the 1970's, and racist night-riding Klan thugs should not
surprise us in the least. Such a fascist united front of
terror, has been spawned by a system of class exploitation,
racism, sexism, and deadly homophobia -- capitalism.
The bourgeois State, unsurprisingly, will utilize fascist
and clerical-fascist gangs such as Operation Rescue,
Defensive Action and the Ku Klux Klan to
terrorize and crush opposition to the State and their
"post-modern" corporate employers.
------------------------------------------------------------------
State intervention by the FBI, BATF, and the U.S. Marshals at
women's clinics however, will only serve to marginalize -- and
potentially criminalize -- one force that has kept the Christian
Right terrorists at bay: community-based, direct action clinic
defense groups.
Those, such as Feminist Majority Foundation president,
Eleanor Smeal, who call on the FBI "to form a special task force,"
to investigate anti-abortion terror, consciously delete
from history the role played by this repressive agency throughout
its existence.13
Far from being a "neutral" investigative agency concerned
with uncovering the depredations of organized crime or
"domestic terrorism," the FBI has been the vanguard federal
force that has targeted labor, minority groups struggling against
racism, the women's movement, queer activists and the Left.
The sordid history of the FBI is littered with the bodies of
activists murdered to maintain the status quo. During the
1960's, the FBI's role was not to "protect"
civil right's workers, but rather, through its utilization
of informers and other far-right "assets" inside the Ku Klux Klan,
the Bureau actively assisted the K.K.K.
in their campaign of racist murder and terror.
Unlike slick Hollywood popularizations of the period, such
as Alan Parker's film, "Mississippi Burning," the FBI was
instrumental in re-building the Ku Klux Klan in the south,
"...setting up dozens of Klaverns, sometimes being leaders
and public spokespersons.
Gary Rowe, an FBI informant, was involved in the Klan killing
of Viola Liuzzo, a civil rights worker. He claimed that he
had to fire shots at her rather than 'blow his cover.'
One FBI agent speaking at a rally organized by the Klavern he
led, proclaimed to his followers, 'We will restore
white rights if we have to kill every negro to do it.'"14
The Bureau's not-so-secret war against the Industrial
Workers of the World (IWW), the Communist Party (CP),
the Socialist Workers Party (SWP), the Black Panther Party (BPP),
the American Indian Movement (AIM), the Committee In Solidarity with the
People of El Salvador (CISPES), and most recently, the attempted frame-up of
Judi Bari and Earth First! span the decades. Will the clinic defense movement
be the FBI's next target, the recipient of an "active measures" campaign?
The women's liberation movement has been targeted more than once by the Bureau.
During the 1980's as the FBI waged an "active measures" campaign against CISPES,
a former FBI informant, Frank Varelli, became disillusioned with the Bureau's
attempt to destroy CISPES. Acting on disinformation supplied by the murderous
Salvadoran National Guard, false information was forwarded by the FBI to the
Defense Intelligence Agency.
The National Guard claimed that one FMLN coalition member, the Armed Revolutionary Group (GAR),
"were to promote in North America a strong and violent campaign of agitation and
propaganda on behalf of FMLN-FDR, having obtained immediate support from
different sectors of North American society. Among the groups providing
support were labor unions, Gay Power groups, Pro- Abortion groups, groups
involved in the women's liberation movement, and organizations that are
opposed to the strengthening of the military forces of the US."15
Although not a shred of evidence existed linking these North American
organizations to the GAR, the groups were included in the
National Guard communique -- at the direct request of the FBI.
According to Varelli, "Can you imagine if gay rights groups, abortion
rights groups, the Equal Rights Amendment groups were known to support
a group that had killed more than 20 police and soldiers in a year?"
The informant added, "Once the FBI had this data in their files, they
could proceed to investigate all these other groups. What is even worse,
the FBI knew that this material from the National Guard was strictly
disinformation. But they passed the same material along to the
Secret Service, the Defense Intelligence Agency and other agencies in the
intelligence community without alerting them to the fact that it was
completely fabricated."16
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My purpose here is to review the Bureau's history of employing far-right,
racist and neo-Nazi operatives in their on-going war against the American Left,
including the women's movement. While the "Cold War" may be over, the search for
"enemies" continue. Where "threats to national security" cannot be found, they
are created; this is the legacy bequeathed by J. Edgar Hoover to the FBI and
its current Director, Louis J. Freeh.
One can only speculate that the Bureau's "reluctance" to investigate far-right
advocates of anti-choice violence, may stem from their utilization of
Christian Right "assets" during the 1980's as the Reagan administration and the
Bureau prosecuted their own "dirty war" at home to buttress the terrorist
Central American death-squad states propped-up by the U.S. Government.
In this writer's view, it is inconceivable that the FBI, the Bureau of Alcohol,
Tobacco and Firearms (BATF), and other federal investigatory agencies,
have no knowledge of the interconnections among far and Christian
Right terrorists waging their "holy war" against women's rights; a campaign
that now spans three decades.
Since 1977, according to the National Abortion Federation (NAF), there
have been 128 bombing/arson attacks; 573 incidents of clinic vandalism;
66 attempted bombing/arson attacks; 199 incidents where doctors or health
care workers have been stalked; and 197 death threats leveled against
patients, physicians or health care workers.17
In the majority of cases, these serious incidents of domestic terror
are treated like unconnected acts of mayhem by local, state and federal
authorities -- with much complicity by "mainstream" media. Rather, such
heinous acts of violence against women are evidence of a broad campaign
waged by the direct action anti-abortion movement; a program designed to
destroy abortion access through low-intensity war.
As I have written elsewhere, the direct action anti-abortion movement
and the broader Christian Right have temporarily ceded the legislative
and judicial domain to their opponents. Having lost in the courts and
in the legislatures, they have turned to a broad campaign of arson,
bombing, selective violence, and once again, murder, against abortion
provider's: Randall Terry's "weak link."
I will repeat; as a strategic orientation, low-intensity warfare rests
on a simple premise: in order to achieve political objectives by
"extraordinary" means, a comprehensive, coordinated set of tactics
are required. Such tactics are intended to guarantee that prolonged
economic sabotage and the cumulative effects of propaganda, espionage,
psychological terror and violence will eventually wear the "enemy"
down and achieve the desired goal: destruction of access and the
loss of reproductive health care for women.18
------------------------------------------------------------------
The cases I have chosen to explore present only a partial index
of the Bureau's
role as agents of repression. The massive infiltration and
disruption by the FBI
of the Black Panther Party (BPP) and the American Indian Movement (AIM) is
beyond the scope of the present survey. Suffice it say, the Bureau conspired,
with the active assistance and collaboration of local and state police agencies,
to destroy these organizations. Between 1968-1971, FBI-initiated terror and disruption resulted in the murder of
more than 38 BPP activists. When the smoke cleared in the mid 1970's the Black
Panther Party was destroyed, hundreds of activists were in prison, and thousands
of lives lay in ruins.19
The same can be said for the FBI's reign of terror in South Dakota during the 1970's,
against the Oglala Sioux Nation and the American Indian Movement. A similar pattern
of lies, disinformation, selective targeting of activists for harassment, as well
as outright political assassination, murder and mayhem initiated by the Bureau,
resulted in the weakening of AIM.20
Similar to the lesser-known cases I do survey, the FBI utilized right-wing
vigilantes in order to disrupt AIM and selectively terrorize and murder the
Oglala Sioux people and AIM activists.21
While we turn our sights and survey the FBI's utilization of far-right
"assets," we must remember those who continue to rot in America's
dungeons as political prisoners: Geronimo (Ji Jaga) Pratt, Leonard Peltier,
and Mumia Abdul-Jamal, as well as countless other class war prisoners of
the American nightmare.22
Clinic defense and reproductive rights activists are urged to study
the Bureau's history of political violence, the better to be able to
recognize the unmistakable signs of political repression.
2. THE FBI, BATF, AND "PRIVATE" INTELLIGENCE NETWORKS
Subversion hunters do not require evidence in order to bolster their
paranoid world-view. The contemporary Christian Right, like earlier
McCarthyite "red hunters," inhabit a conspiratorial netherworld which
permits the discovery -- or fabrication -- of "evidence" for the malignant
plot they believe will destroy "God's nation, set upon on a hill," the
United States.
Sharing much in common with earlier nativist or anti- communist
organizations such as the 19th century "Know Nothing Party" or Father
Charles E. Coughlin's proto-fascist, National Union for Social Justice,
there is an unmistakable thread of racism, sexism and nostalgia for a
non-existent middle class "paradise" where "men were men and women
knew their place," that link such groups together.
The contemporary hunt for the "Red Menace" has been transmuted by
theocratic, clerical-fascist alchemists such as Gary North,
Rousas John (R.J.) Rushdoony, and Randall Terry into an insidious
plot to destroy the family. Similar to earlier manifestations of
nativist paranoia, the search for Christian rightist "fool's gold,"
relies on an international plot by communists, Jews, Satanists,
feminists, environmentalists and homosexuals in order to weave
their repressive webs. Thus Christian Coalition President,
Pat Roberstson, can write:
"The feminist agenda is not about equal rights for women.
It is about a socialist, anti-family political movement that
encourages women to leave their husbands, kill their children,
practice witchcraft, destroy capitalism, and become lesbians."23
The search for endless enemies has a darker side; many of the
paranoid declarations of the Christian Right are shared by
the FBI and the "private" intelligence agencies who serve them.
The Bureau and affiliated federal, state, and local law enforcement
agencies are riddled with agents who have much in common with
earlier witch hunters. Today however, "The Witch's Hammer"
of the 16th century, used by the notorious Spanish Inquisition
to burn women alive, has been replaced by the "Information Digest,"
of John and Louise Rees, or similar publications of the far-right,
such as the John Birch Society's "The New American," or
Lyndon LaRouche's "Executive Intelligence Review."
Countless "private" sources for intelligence gathering are
used by the Bureau to justify massive COINTELPRO-style
operations. Included here, are the publications of the
Council for Inter-American Security (CIS); the
American Security Council (ASC); Western Goals,
founded by the late Rep. Larry McDonald, a
top leader of the John Birch Society; the
organization of neo- fascist, Lyndon LaRouche;
and the massive intelligence network of Rev. Sun Myung Moon's
Unification Church.24 I will profile three of these entities.
INFORMATION DIGEST: John Rees is a journalist who emigrated
to the United States from Britain in 1963. He was fired
from the "London Daily Mirror," when officials at the
paper discovered Rees' had used his professional s
tanding to obtain unethical gratuities from London hotels
and restaurants.25
Rees moved to Newark, New Jersey and launched "New Careers,"
a program designed to provide jobs for black residents.
City officials however, discovered that Rees had
overcharged the city $7,500 for services. They also
blocked payment for another $12,000 to a job training
firm for which Rees was a consultant.26
Moving to Chicago in 1968, Rees next worked as an
undercover informant for the Chicago Police Department,
infiltrating and targeting groups opposed to the Vietnam war.
At the time, the FBI dismissed Rees as "an
opportunist who operates with self- serving interest."
However, Rees continued to trade spurious information to
state police agencies across the country.27
During the early 1980's, trading on his relationship
with Rep. McDonald and Western Goals, Rees began
writing a column for the Moon-owned "Washington Times."
It was during this period that he began to sell political
disinformation to the FBI.28
Rees was the author of the slander-filled, "The War Called Peace,"
which targeted the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom
(WILPF), charging that the group was "thoroughly- penetrated by
the Moscow-line Communist party." Rees' brand of political
yellow-journalism, was widely-reported by the "New York Times,"
and other media outlets. His false allegations, innuendos,
and slander were used by the Reagan administration to
discredit the nuclear freeze movement.29
Rees' booklet was incorporated in FBI files and
passed to the State Department. In 1982, the State
Department included WILPF on its index of
"communist-fronts," on the basis of Rees'
disinformation.30
Apparently, the collaboration between the Bureau and
John Rees was of long-standing duration. The nature
of the relationship with the former "self-serving
opportunist" and the Bureau surfaced during a
lawsuit initiated by the National Lawyers Guild.
Rees' wife, S. Louise Rees, had infiltrated the NLG,
working as a secretary. An assistant United States
Attorney in New York testified that: "Some federal
agencies received information...from John Rees or
S. Louise Rees or both, sometimes in the form of
"Information Digest," and from time to time
they were compensated by the FBI for furnishing
information."31
WESTERN GOALS: Founded in 1982, by Rep. Larry McDonald,
a top leader of the John Birch Society and a board
member of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL).
Before his death in 1983, aboard KAL flight 007,
shot down over the Soviet Union, McDonald described
the purpose of the Foundation as defending the
United States against Marxist subversion and terrorism.
McDonald wrote,
"In the field of Marxists, terrorism and subversion,
Western Goals has the most experienced advisors and
staff in the United States... The Foundation has begun
the computerization of thousands of documents relating
to the internal security of our country and the protection
of government and institutions from Communist-controlled
penetration and subversion."32
One of the key figures of Western Goals was John Rees.
Using falsified documents passed by the Salvadoran
National Guard, Rees penned an article for the Birchite
publication, "The Review of the News." Rees' article
found its way into the FBI's files and served as
their pretext to target CISPES.33
Other key Western Goals figures included former U.S.
Army Major General John "Blackjack" Singlaub, the
North American Director of the World Anti-Communist
League. Founded in 1967, WACL has been described as
the "Fascist International." The League's members have
included arch-conservatives, reactionaries, a number
of former Nazis and Nazi collaborators.
Among its regional affiliates in Central America were,
Mario Sandoval Alarcon, a former Guatemalan vice
president known as the "Godfather of the death squads,"
and cashiered Salvadoran Army Major, Roberto D'Aubisson,
described by former U.S. Ambassador to El Salvador,
Robert White, as a "pathological killer."34
League members were invited to Taiwan's Political
Warfare Cadres Academy for training in counter-insurgency
and police techniques. Many members also traveled
to Argentina for training in police torture
techniques by members of the Argentine military
during the "dirty war" which annihilated the
Argentine Left, "disappearing" more than 25,000
people during the 1970's.35
After McDonald's death in 1983, Singlaub, Rees
and others continued Western Goals' primary mission:
destroy the North American Left through a campaign
of slander and political disinformation.
Their publications were routinely routed to the FBI,
the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (BATF),
and other U.S. intelligence agencies.36
In 1983, a portion of the public-private intelligence
interchange surfaced when Los Angeles Police Department
intelligence division detective, Jay Paul, was found
to have removed more than 180 boxes of files from
division headquarters. The files contained
extensive dossiers on West Coast political
activists. Environmentalists, opponents of
nuclear power, legal Left groups and political
parties found their way into Paul's house as
well as his wife's law office in Long Beach.37
Internal LAPD investigators learned that the
information removed by Paul had been transmitted
via computer directly into the database of the
Western Goals Foundation, controlled by John Rees.
It was subsequently learned by investigators that
Paul's activities had been approved by a former
Intelligence Division captain.38
Among the material that Paul supplied to Rees
were lists of demonstrators arrested in Florida
and California and a confidential LAPD domestic
security report.39 It was learned that Rees had
published some of this material in a Western
Goals publication as well as his own "Information
Digest." The information was also passed to federal,
state and local police agencies around the country.40
Additionally, selected materials were passed to board
members of Western Goals, some of whom were involved
with Lt. Col. North's criminal "enterprise" to aid
the Nicaraguan contra terrorists.41
Key players of the U.S. Christian Right, including
Pat Robertson and Jerry Falwell were instrumental
allies of the Reagan State Department's illegal
"Public Diplomacy" operation which targeted the
American people with propaganda and disinformation;
all in the name of "stamping out Marxist subversion."42
THE UNIFICATION CHURCH: Perhaps the most prominent
American off-shoot of WACL was Rev. Sun Myung Moon's
Unification Church. A destructive religious cult that
purports that "Our Master," Rev. Moon is a
reincarnation of Jesus Christ sent to rid the
world of communism, Moon's empire was a key
element of the FBI's "active measures" campaign
against CISPES.43
Operating through a front-group, the campus-based
Collegiate Association for the Research of Principles (CARP),
Moon activists began plying the Bureau with information
that it obtained through its infiltration of CISPES
chapters throughout the country.44
CARP supplied the FBI with information on CISPES
leaders and activists. Bureau files contained
hundreds of entries and names provided by Moon's
theocratic network. The 48 pages of CARP materials
released by the FBI, contain only a small portion
of the Bureau's CARP index. Pointedly, the FBI
refused to release any of the entries held in
the Bureau's main file on the Moon organization.45
Bureau informant, Frank Varelli, stated that
"The Moonies were a major support group."
Varelli reported that in 1982, agents in the
FBI's Washington Field Office trained a Moon
contingent to hold a demonstration in support of
Salvadoran President, Jose Napoleon Duarte.46
Other FBI-initiat