The following cases are typical of Paedophile behaviour:

 

A male public-sector employee, who lived alone in an apartment on a large housing estate in the Parisian suburbs, made friends with several neighbouring families.   This resulted in invitations to the young sons, aged between 9 and 12 years, to visit him in his apartment.   Once friendly relations had been established in the course of several visits, he dared the boys to lower their trousers.

 

As the game progresses with further dares, the man was able to take photographs.   After a time, the sister of one of the boys became disturbed by changes in his personality and alerted other adults.   [He has since been arrested and convicted of child sexual offences].

 

A motoring industry executive ‘cruises’ known hotspots for streetkids or delinquents, preferring them around 14 to 16 years old.   His job provides him with the latest popular vehicle that helps to attract their attention and he offers ‘Jason’, a youth he stopped to ask directions from, a brief ride.   He had in fact driven past Jason several times and been satisfied the youth met his criteria.

 

Within 3 weeks Jason, is ‘crashing’ over.   Eventually alcohol is offered, they watch a few pornographic movies together and the executive makes a move.   At first Jason is repulsed and rejects the advances, however the adult has already considered this and ‘counsels’ Jason on the subject to lower his defences and regard it as usual and normal behaviour.

 

Paedophiles are experts at making contact with children.   They seek out settings and professions where opportunities for natural contacts with children are great.   They become experts at contacting children, at being gently persuasive without using force, at gradually winning their confidence by taking a personal interest or through gifts.   It is not unusual for paedophiles to keep card indexes with ratings of the children they have molested.   (Nyman and Svensson, 1997)

 

Coddington (1997) also cites the findings of a study done by Kidscape (a child protection charity) in which over half the paedophiles interviewed said they targeted single-parent families and 48 percent said they got their victims through babysitting. 

 

The paedophile wants to introduce himself to the boy’s world as an equal, a participant, to be as a boy is, to feel as a boy feels.   Thus with these paedophiles we will almost never find them using aggression.   Aggressive activities are much more frequent in substitutive sexual contacts with children.   The group of sexual delinquents (…) who abuse children for sexually substitutive activities seems to have little in common with the group of paedophiles and more in common with rapists”.   (Schorsch, 1983)

 

Howitt (1997) states that;

 

“The formal evidence of what offenders do comes from two main sources – victims and offenders”.

 

While the definition of sexual abuse can be problematic (Howitt, 1992), it would seem likely that the bulk of offences committed against underage girls are non-contact acts such as indecent exposure, public masturbation and solicitations for sex, or legally less serious contact offences such as fondling or rubbing one’s genitals against the body of the victims.   (Howitt, 1997)

 

Sexual exploitation studies by the Netherlands State Police into children up to the age of 12 state the most common forms of sexual contact involved the perpetrator fondling the child, having the child fondle him and the child masturbating him.   (Wolters et al., 1985)   Intercourse and attempted intercourse occurred in about 13% of cases.

 

Sadistic behaviour was a feature of 6% of cases.   Although it was the opinion of police officers concerned that a quarter of sexual contact was voluntary, coercion played a part in half.

 

On average, child molesters offend against 150 male or 20 female victims according to their paedophiliac orientation.   (Abel et al., 1987)

 

At the Minnesota Security Hospital consecutive cases over a 10-year period involving offences against children less than 14 years of age were examined.   (Erickson, Walbek and Seely, 1988)   Over two-thirds offended against girls, approximately a quarter against boys and only 4% against both sexes.   Trends in the acts committed were:

 

For females under 10 years;

 

(i)                 34% of offenders fondled the child

(ii)                17% committed vaginal contact

(iii)              15% performed oral sex on the victim

(iv)             12% had the victim perform oral sex on the offender

 

Attempted vaginal intercourse, anal contact, attempted anal sex and victim fondling constituted 8% of acts or less.

 

For females between 11 and 13 years;

 

(i)                 35% of offenders fondled the child

(ii)                23% had vaginal contact with the child

(iii)              13% had the child perform oral sex on the offender

(iv)              10% performed oral sex on the victim

(v)               6% attempted vaginal intercourse

 

For males under 10 years;

 

(i)                 28% had anal contact with the victim

(ii)                24% of offenders fondled the child

(iii)              7% of offenders performed oral sex on the victim

(iv)             4% had the child perform oral sex on the offender

 

For males between 11 and 13 years;

 

(i)                 29% had the victim perform oral sex on the offender

(ii)                27% of offenders fondled the child

(iii)              14% of offenders had anal contact with the victim

(iv)             14% of offenders performed oral sex on the victim

 

Bribery was the most frequent way of obtaining sex; threat was not so common.   Usually the offenders remained clothed during the offences.   Nudity, when it occurred, was more common in domestic offences.   Mostly the victims were individual although offenders might have several contemporaneous victims.   Group activity involving several victims in the same episode occurred only with adolescent males.

 

In the only existing study of child molesters who are not in jail, the investigators interviewed 561 child molesters and found that these men molest boys five times as often as they molested girls.   In fact, offenders who targeted boys outside of their homes committed the largest number of crimes – they committed an average of 281 crimes, as compared with 23 crimes per nonincestuous assaults on girls.  (Abel, et al, 1987)

 

Perhaps it could be suggested that heterosexual paedophiles build more long term, one-on-one relationships with their victims, than homosexual paedophiles who prefer a number of less intimate relationships.

 

A study by Budin and Johnson (1989) into various abusing methods employed by inmates at an Ohio U.S. Correctional Institute found that the men tended to prefer a particular type of child, although the attractive tendencies varied substantially from offender to offender.

 

Nearly half preferred their own children and/or ones they described as passive, quiet, troubled, lonely children from “broken” homes; two-fifths mentioned children from single parent homes.

 

A sort of “empathy” is demonstrated by the fact that 45% mentioned targeting children who reminded them of themselves.   Victims were typically found residing in close proximity to the offender; over half of them from near the offender’s home, a third in the neighbourhood, a fifth at family get-togethers and an eighth in playgrounds.   Only a fifth of the offender’s molested victims far from their own home.

 

Paedophiles have many distinct advantages when building relationships with their potential victims.   They rarely admonish the child and will always appear to be enthusiastic and supportive of everything the child does.   To the child this treatment can appear as unconditional friendship, thus enabling a relationship to begin based on the deceptive and cunning behaviour of the paedophile.

 

The child’s trust was established in the enticement process by being a friend in 90% of cases.   Other aspects of enticement included playing games (55%), giving money (45%).   Tangible gifts such as toys, candy, cigarettes, beer and drugs were much less common.

 

Less than a quarter claimed to have used threats to obtain the child’s co-operation and silence.

 

“Some aspects of offender behaviour are difficult to quantify but deserve comment, based on our clinical experience.   Attempted insertion of offender’s fingers into vaginas was fairly common, but insertion of fingers into victim’s rectums was fairly uncommon.

 

Insertion of foreign bodies into the rectum or vagina occurred very rarely.   Penile rectal or vaginal contact with younger children usually consisted of touching the rectal or vaginal opening with the penis, and rubbing the penis between the legs.

 

In cases where more forcible efforts were made, bruising or laceration of the tissues between vagina and rectum occurred.   Where rectal penetration actually occurred, the victims usually had to be held forcibly and their cries muffled.   Some strategies [were] routinely necessary in order to conceal the cries from others in the household”.   (Erickson, Walbek and Seely, 1986)

 

A Seattle specialist in sex offender treatment programs had therapeutically “successful” clients provide information about the characteristics of their offending.   (Conte, Wolf and Smith, 1989)   The men were mostly experienced offenders with an average of seven victims each, although the range was from 1 to 40.   They were asked to write a “manual” on how to sexually abuse a child.   Among the examples they provided were:

 

(i)                 “[Find] some way to get a child to live with you.   If you have a repertoire of jokes that move from risqué to pornographic, have porn magazines lying around.   Talk about sex.   Watch the kid’s reactions.   Stick your head in their bedrooms while they are in their bedclothes.   Act like it’s a natural thing.   Be sympathetic.   Try a lot of compliments.   Have accidental contact with their breasts”.

 

(ii)               “Be in a position where you are a close friend with someone who is involved in alcohol and drugs and probably has the attitude that kids are like dogs, just around the house.  Someone who has a tight control over kids and where if the kid does anything wrong he’ll be severely punished.  

 

Being a molester, you can pick on that and start showing the kids extra attention.   They’ll thrive on it and will become easily manipulated to your control.   You can also set it up when the parents trust you and use you as a babysitter.   You’ll be alone with the kid, and the kid doesn’t like his parents”.   (Conte, Wolf and Smith, 1989)

 

Most of these offenders also expressed a preference for certain physical or behavioural characteristics in their victims – generally smooth skin, long hair, dresses well, or slim body, darker skinned, darker hair, a cute face.   Behaviours such as victims being friendly and open were also mentioned.

 

After they had identified a potential victim, most of the offenders thought about getting caught and this fear caused them to modify when and how to abuse:  “I selected victims that I thought wouldn’t report me”.   (Conte, Wolf and Smith, 1989)

 

Although some claimed that there was no targeting involved (i.e. a process of becoming interpersonally engaged with the victim), this was unusual; an example would be a man who abused a sleeping victim.