After the completion of the June 1957 election, the Zanzibar Nationalist
Party launched a campaign of political education in both the islands, in
the rural and urban areas. That campaign bore early and satisfying fruits.
Party branches began sprouting everywhere in Unguja and Pemba, in
the towns and villages everywhere.
Every party branch had a classroom to enable the young and old, who
had not had adequate facilities in their childhood, to pursue their
studies. Each branch had a First Aid section in cases of emergency. Members
of the Youth Own Union were the teachers in those schools, and it was they
who provided rudimentary medicare. Sheikh Juma Aley who had been a prominent
school teacher was the one who gave training to the youths in running the
party classes. Dr. Said Aboud bin Tahir used to give training in para-medicine.
The sick and needy were looked after free of charge irrespective of their
party affiliation. ZNP and ASP supporters received equal attention. Two
government medical practitioners offered their services voluntarily in
the evening to tend the patients who flocked to the party clinic. They
were Dr. Said Aboud and Dr. Sultan Mar'ash. Dr. Aboud would even tour remote
village areas to look after the sick and check on the premeds whom he trained.
Sh Ali Makka and Sh Juma Ali (Dogodogo) worked voluntarily as attending
nurses at the central clinic which was at the party' HQ. at Darajani. That
clinic was well equipped with medical supplies, a generous gift from Egypt.
The party had also a welfare section which concerned itself with giving
to the needy welfare assistance irrespective of political affiliation.
That section had at its disposal two ambulances for transporting those
who could not walk to, or lived too far from hospital. The Welfare Section
also kept a regular register of potential blood donors. The government
central hospital would call upon the ZNP Welfare Section for blood donation
in case of need. It once happened that the government hospital took
a loan of medicines from the stock of the ZNP. The Welfare Section was
under the supervision of Sayyid Hashim bin Abubakar, Bibi Aisha Salim
and Bibi Azza Muhammad (wife of Sh Ali Muhsin). In the task of rendering
public services to the people as a whole the ZNP built the road to Nungwi
the northernmost point of the island of Unguja, which up to that time was
inaccessible by land. Another road was built by the party to the east of
the island at the village of Matemwe, and yet another, the most dramatic
of them all, was the causeway which for the first time in history joined
the southern islet of Uzi to the main island of Unguja, thus establishing
motor communication between Uzi and Unguja Ukuu, which was once the capital
of Zanzibar. The Zanzibar Government appreciating the valuable contributions
made by the ZNP came to the assistance of these voluntary ventures by offering
to pay for half the cost of labour involved in such public works.
A volunteer would receive one day's wage for every two days he worked.
This new scheme was named: "Jisaidie nikusaidie" "Help yourself that
I may help you" At a time of excessive drought in the isle of Tumbatu
the party hired lighters to carry water from the town at Malindi
to fill the reservoirs of the island. A devastating fire gutted most homes
in the village of Matemwe. ZNP enthusiasts led by the Welfare section of
the party rallied enmasse to re-roof the gutted village and provide the
whole population with new clothing.
If I were to go on cataloguing the good works that the ZNP used to
render for the people of Zanzibar I would have no time and space to say
what I really intended to say to my fellow countrymen. So this little should
suffice to give an indication of the way the Zanzibar Nationalist Party
was functioning. It was because of such activities that every day
more and more people came in to join hands with their fellow nationalists.
your wrath!
ALLEGATION OF ZNP'S FAILURE
If ZNP failed what was it that succeeded? Indeed what was achieved by the
ZNP as merely a political party has never been done by the present usurper
government for the last thirty years, since 1964.
Could anyone describe the fact that Government hospitals have not
even Aspirin or penicillin an indication of success? Or can achievement
be indicated by the fact that Government schools lack desks, let alone
teachers and books? Or the fact that Teacher Training Colleges have no
mattresses nor sheets for bedding? Meals are erratic and often students
have often to sleep on empty stomachs. Is that an achievement? Streets
in the town are impassable because of flooding from sewage. Out of
every ten street lamps only two are alight, and that niggardly, glimmering
like fading hand torches. Is that the type of achievement to brag about?
If that is success what would one call failure? That might well be considered
success by political leaders in relation to their intention. As far as
the people and the country are concerned no calamity could be worse.
When calamity befalls a people because of their iniquity the tragedy becomes
universal, affecting the good and the evil. The calamities of Zanzibar
have affected everybody. We hope and pray that there may still be some
who are good. The main reason for all this all-embracing calamity is that
few are there who raise their voices against the evils and iniquities
that seem to be committed with impunity by everybody. Under such circumstances
the wrath of Almighty God becomes all-pervading. O Lord protect us from
your wrath.
SPLIT IN THE AFRO-SHIRAZI
Early in 1959 there was a split in the leadership of the Afro-Shirazi Party.
Sh Muhammad Shamte and Sh Ali Shariff decided to quit the party. Their
example was followed by many others particularly in the island of
Pemba. Shortly before this the ASP had dismissed Sh Ameir Tajo from
the party because he had been canvassing for financial assistance from
a philanthropist Sir Tayabali Karimjee on behalf of YASU (Young African
Social Union) for the erection of their club. This was done by Sh Ameir
Tajo without consulting his colleagues in the ASP leadership.
The main reason which prompted Sh Muhammad Shamte to leave the ASP
was his sincere patriotism. His political idealism and his hopes and aspirations
centered on his country's gaining independence. He wanted Freedom, freedom
for Zanzibaris to have full right to run their country without being bound
by any outside force.
Sh Karume on the other hand could not, and did not, do the slightest
thing without consulting and taking orders from Mwalimu Nyerere. This Sh
Muhammad could not stomach. At every meeting the two would clash. The point
was reached when a party conference was held without Muhammad Shamte being
informed for fear that he would create obstacles for Karume and his master
Nyerere. At that stage Sheikh Muhammad and Sheikh Ali decided to quit.
With the quitting of these leaders the Afro-Shirazi Party in effect
was virtually reduced to its original source, the African Association,
composed predominantly of non-nationals. The Shirazi element was
out. Only the name was retained.
ZANZIBAR AND PEMBA PEOPLES'
PARTY IS FORMED
The Zanzibar and Pemba Peoples' Party (ZPPP) was founded in November 1959.
Sh. Muhammad Shamte became president, and deputy president was Sh Ameir
Tajo. The party headquarters was at Malindi.
The ZPPP was a party of nationals of Unguja and Pemba. It did not
have at the time much support in Unguja, but in Pemba it got many members.
The aims of the party were not dissimilar from those of the ZNP. It was
to have all Zanzibaris irrespective of colour or creed to struggle together
for the Freedom of Zanzibar for the benefit of all citizens. The ZNP leadership
entertained no doubts regarding the nationalism of Sheikh Muhammad Shamte
and his colleagues. Hence they knew that it was only a matter of time when
the two parties would be able to work together formally for the common
cause.
HILLARY BLOOD'S COMMISSION
As an outcome of the persistent demands of the Zanzibar Nationalist Party
for further constitutional development the British Government sent to Zanzibar
Sir Hillary Blood from Britain as a commissioner to investigate the possibility
of Zanzibar moving forward in the constitutional ladder. This commissioner
came in May 1960, and was the second constitutional expert sent by the
British Government. The first was Mr. Coutts in 1956.
As was their practice the ZNP organized a big rally from the Kiembe
Samaki airport to the British Residency. The demonstrators, men and women,
took placards all saying one word: "UHURU 1960'.
When Sir Hillary Blood came to Zanzibar he found that there were
now three political parties, the Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP), the
Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP) and the Zanzibar and Pemba Peoples' Party (ZPPP).
All the three parties submitted their petitions to Sir Hillary. He also
received submissions from trade unions and from private persons. He met
and talked to various delegations and individuals. The petitions of ZNP
and ZPPP were much alike in their proposals. Both parties demanded that
all the members of the legislature should be nationals elected on a one
man one vote basis. The elections should be followed by a conference to
consider the granting of full independence for Zanzibar. The Afro-Shirazi
party on the other hand demanded that the legislature should be composed
of 25 members, 22 of whom were to be elected. The three others were to
be colonial government officials to be appointed by the British Resident.
For the benefit of the readers I will quote verbatim the relevant portions
of all the three memoranda, i.e. that of ZNP, that of ASP and that of ZPPP.
Thus it would be of value to the people and in particular the younger elements,
to know for themselves which party was pro-colonialist and wanted Zanzibar
to continue to be led by foreigners. They would also see which parties
wanted complete Freedom for their country.
The ZNP petition said inter alia: "....It is unnecessary now to argue
whether or not it is our right to rule ourselves completely and whether
or not we have the capacity to do so. Those days are over. There are now
no two sides to the question.
"....In framing the recommendations regard should be paid to Her
Majesty's Government's view that the legislature should become predominantly
elective in character and the executive should be reorganized to permit
the establishment of a ministerial system.
"...Under any circumstances you will be failing in your duty and
mocking the people of Zanzibar if you recommend anything less than full
independence for the country."
The memorandum of the ZPPP said:
"...That the Zanzibar and Pemba Peoples' Party feels that this Sultanate
should be given full independence within the British Commonwealth soon
after the next election.
"...The Legislative Council should be of 30 members and all 30 seats
should be contested on Common Roll Election as stipulated in your terms
of reference."
The Afro-Shirazi Party's was as follows:
"....the Afro-Shirazi Party believes and recommends that the Legislative
Assembly should consist of no more than 25 seats of which three seats should
be reserved for ex-officio members. The rest should all be open seats
to be fought in Common Roll Election.
"....The ex-Officio members should be the Minister of Justice, Minister
of Finance and Minister of Defense and External Affairs.
"....It will indeed be fitting, and we entreat Her Majesty's Government,
that 30th October, 1960 should mark the granting of self-government to
the people of these islands."
I add nothing more of my own to this. I leave it to the readers after
reading the extracts from the three petitions to make their own assessment
which party was still clinging to the apron-strings of the colonialists.
If the ministry of justice, the ministry of finance and the ministry of
defence and foreign affairs, were to remain in the hands of the colonialists
what sort of self-government would the people of Zanzibar have? Hence it
was no surprise to those who were knowledgeable in politics when they saw
Karume so soon after overthrowing Zanzibar surrendering everything to the
tender mercies of Nyerere of Tanganyika. The ASP never at any time wanted
independence for Zanzibar. Thanks to ASP the country is still under colonial
rule as Sir Hillary Blood recommended in 1960.
The Youths Own Union were enraged with the recommendations of Sir
Hillary Blood. They organized a massive rally at Mwembe Sanda, Miembeni.
After reading the commissioner's recommendations it was decided to condemn
it outright and they symbolically burnt a copy of the recommendations in
public to demonstrate their outrage. It was also decided that the YOU should
send Sir Hillary Blood a letter of protest for the recommendations that
he had put forward.
Sir Hilary recommended that the legislature should be composed of
30 members, 22 of whom were to be elected and eight were to be nominated
by the Sultan in consultation with the British Resident. In other words
the British Resident was the real one to make the appointments. These
recommendations were not very much different from those put forward by
the Afro-Shirazi Party. It indicated how closely the ASP was working for
and with the colonial government.
SECOND ELECTION, JANUARY 1961
Three and a half years after the first election in June 1957 a second
election was held in January 1961. This time women had the vote like men.
Twenty-two seats were to be contested, and all the three parties entered
the arena.
The results of this election were as follows: The Afr0-Shirazi won
10 seats, the Nationalists won 9 and the ZPPP won three. None of
the party commanded a majority. A majority means getting more than half
the total number of seats, and not merely having the largest number of
seats. Moreover in this type of constituency election as it was in Zanzibar
then and still so today the total number of votes that a party gets has
no relevance at all to the results. Each constituency was counted separately.
In a case like this only a coalition of parties could give any side the
majority needed to form a government. This is common knowledge to all but
fools. But the ASP and their supporters across the channel were either
fools or mischief makers when they insisted that at that time they had
the right to form a government. However the ASP having scored the largest
number of seats (not the majority, mind you) was given the first option
to show that its leader Karume could command the support of the majority
seats in the legislature. This he could do only by forming a coalition
with either of the parties, the most likely was the ZPPP with its three
seats.
While Karume was hectically engaged in wooing the ZPPP to his side,
some certain civil servants particularly those of the Provincial Administration
worked extremely hard behind the scene trying to persuade the ZPPP
to join their three seats to the ASP in a coalition. In their efforts they
got Othman Shariff, a veterinary officer and brother to Ali Shariff one
of the three successful ZPPP candidates, to use his influence on his brother
Ali and also on Sh. Muhammad Shamte who was married to Othman's
niece. Othman was promised the liquidation of his mortgage on his house
"Kijipu House" at Gongoni Zanzibar, and was also tantalized with certain
political promises such as a future premiership. Othman swallowed the bait
and went full speed ahead to work for the ASP cause.
When he failed to get Sh. Muhammad Shamte and the third candidate
Sh Muhammad Bakari, Othman threatened his elder brother Ali that he would
kill himself if he also refused to rejoin the Afro-Shirazi camp.
Ali Shariff succumbed to his brother's machination. Othman had disappeared
from home and there was a search for him conducted by the special branch
of the police as well as by members of his union YASU. Ali told the
YASU members to inform Othman he had agreed to his demands. He would
side with the ASP. The members of YASU easily located Othman for
they knew all along where he was hiding. By the defection of Ali Sharif
from the ZPPP and supporting the ASP the latter party could command 11
seats out of 22, not enough to form the necessary majority.
The week allotted to Karume to show whether he could command a majority
in parliament passed without result. He had only eleven seats, 50% of the
seats. It was Ali Muhsin's turn as leader of the ZNP to be given a week
also to see if he could obtain a working majority. The ZNP succeeded in
winning the support of the ZPPP. But out of the three of their successful
representatives one, Ali Shariff defected and went over to the ASP. Muhammad
Shamte and Bakari Muhammad joined forces with the ZNP. Thus a deadlock
ensured each side having eleven seats.
To get out of the impasse it was decided by the British Resident
to form an interim national government for a period of six months aft4er
which another election would be held, this time with 23 seats, an odd number,
to eliminate the likelihood of a repetition of the present deadlock. Ali
Muhsin, true to the original ideals of the founding of ZNP, pointed out
to Karume and his colleagues that here was an opportunity for the two sides
to set aside their rivalry and work together permanently in a national
government. This would save the trouble and expenses of an unnecessary
election and would serve best the interests of the people. Moreover Ali
Muhsin added that the joining of forces of the two rival groups would facilitate
the march towards independence. Karume was adamant. He espoused the proposal
of the British Resident for an interim government and another election
within six months for a retrial of strength.
After this was settled another problem arose: who was to be the Chief
Minister. The council of ministers was to have four ministers, two from
each side. But who was to head the cabinet? Ali Muhsin proposed the name
of a well-known respected, experienced and politically neutral Zanzibari
gentleman, Sheikh Ahmed Lakha Kanji. Karume turned down the proposal, and
suggested that the Chief Minister for the interim period should be a British
official, and so he became. He was the Civil (or Chief) Secretary, Roberts.
That proposal was favoured by the British Resident, Sir George Mooring
and Roberts became the Chief Minister of the interim government.
If you observe you will have noted that all along the demands of
the ASP remarkably coincided with the views of the colonialists. Hardly
surprising since the ASP was the creation of the colonialists.
