A short time before the elections of July 1963, the elections prior to
Independence, Babu as Executive Secretary of the ZNP left the party. Had
it not been for the purpose of countering the nonsense that has been
consistently been spread by the so-called "progressives" in their fabrication
of lies to deceive those who were too young to know the truth at that time,
I would not have wasted time on the subject of Babu leaving the ZNP. For
Babu's defection did not affect anything regarding the stand and progress
of the party. Everything went smoothly, contrary to Babu's fond expectation.
The "Progressives" or by another name, the "Comrades" said (and some
of them still say) that Babu was obliged to leave the party when
he found out that his colleagues among the leadership were working against
him, and that the party had ceased to be progressive and was becoming reactionary.
All that was alleged then and continues to be alleged by the
"Comrades" is pure fabrication and a futile attempt to justify themselves.
When during the "revolution" and for some years afterwards they were swaggering
in the streets like drunken sailors with pistols at the hip there was nobody
who dared contradict them. They could with impunity blurt out anything
that came into their thick heads.
BABU'S REAL INTENTIONS
When Freedom was approaching Babu's inwards intentions were becoming conspicuous.
He wanted to use the Party for his selfish interest of self-aggrandizement,
the interests of his pay-masters, and the interests of those comrades of
his who made his doting followers. There was a great deal that was happening
which indicated what he was up to with regard to the party in general and
to his fellow leaders in the party in particular.
Babu wanted that the government which would be established by the
party should be a left-wing government, that is should be communist, or
more euphemistically "socialist". To achieve this he plotted an underground
upheaval in the leadership of the party. He wanted to get rid of the leaders
he disliked by preventing them from contesting the elections or getting
them defeated at the polls. At the same time he planned to make sure his
dedicated cronies would be elected instead. To achieve this,
mutual suspicion and mistrust would be generated among the leaders. The
second step was to bring about a completely new leadership, that of his
"comrades" who would be at his bid and command. This would enable him to
get all his ideas implemented without fear of contradiction. These indeed
had all along been his plans.
During the first constitutional conference in London Babu wanted
to create anarchy within the party while still in London. The party
had arranged certain party leaders to be in London to assist the official
delegation. Among the leaders sent were Babu, as Executive Secretary, Suleiman
Malik and I, Aman Thani, who were in charge of the party's office in Cairo.
Also present in London were Ali Sultan, Abdulrazak Musa (Kwacha) and Ali
Mahfoudh, in charge of the ZNP office in Cuba, and Salim Rashid Mauly in
charge of the party office in London. As previously arranged these arrived
in London before the official delegates. Dr. Baalawy, Minister of Health,
however preceded his colleagues. One day before the arrival of the full
ministerial delegation Babu called for a meeting to consider "an important
and urgent matter." Babu said that he had reliable information
that back home in Zanzibar there had been appointed a committee of fourteen
people. The aim of that committee was to advise Sh Ali Muhsin on leadership
particularly at this time when independence was so near.:
Babu informed us: "That committee wants Ali Muhsin to do his utmost
to get rid of some progressive leaders in the party, I being one of them,
and everyone else whom they consider to be progressive. You Dr. Aidarous
(Baalawy) are one of those to be eliminated" Those words of
Babu shocked some of us; others had known them all along. After a lengthy
discussion we decided to postpone the subject until after the constitutional
talks and we would sit with Sh Ali Muhsin and all the other ministers and
thrash out the matter with them. Babu agreed with this proposal. After
the constitutional talks we reminded Babu about the decision to meet with
the ministers on the subject of the alleged "Committee of 14". Babu
created one subterfuge after another to avoid the proposed meeting and
then suddenly left for Zanzibar on the pretext that he was hurrying home
to attend a court case in which he was being charged for an article he
had written in his Chinese paid ZANEWS.. Some of us became more convinced
of Babu's real motive, that of creating confusion and mistrust among the
leadership of the party.
Another instance of the "Comrades'" tactics to undermine and sabotage
the party took place when Babu was in prison. At this time the followers
of Babu went about propagating their allegation that Sh Muhammad
Shamte and Sh Ali Muhsin had plotted together with the colonialists in
getting Babu imprisoned. They naively thought that the ZNP members would
believe their fantastic allegations and so discredit the party leadership.
Further they thought the "comrades' would then be on the right course,
and would thus take over the Zanzibar Nationalist Party. But the masses
of ZNP and ZPPP would not be hoodwinked by such baseless allegations. ZNP/ZPPP
supporters would listen to the talks of the town and then go to their party
branches where each item of news was subjected to thorough and objective
examination and discussion. Any decision or proposal would then be submitted
to the party headquarters where each subject would be further thoroughly
and objectively examined. ZNP/ZPP members would not be dictated to, nor
could they be swayed one way or the other by demagogues and political adventurers.
They had their heads screwed the right way.
BABU GOES TO JAIL
Consistently the colonial government was set against the Zanzibar Nationalist
Party and what it stood for. This was so from the very day of the party's
inception. The whole idea of non-racialism, national unity, and complete
independence, was anathema to colonialism. Hence not once did the party
receive any favours from the colonialist government. The colonialist government
was always looking for reasons to incapacitate the party and even to crush
it completely. However the more the government opposed the party
the more it attracted supporters. Babu, as the Party's Secretary, also
shared the wrath of the government. When Babu slipped by writing a culpable
article in his news-sheet, the ZANEWS the government jumped on it, seeing
an opportunity to at least incapacitate the hateful party. The article
which castigated the Commissioner of Police, Biles, was alleged to be criminally
libelous. It was alleged that what the news-sheet had published was false
and not to the public interest. The ZNP committee and indeed many citizens
- knew that the government was taking this step at that particular time
in order to weaken the party's activities in their struggle for Freedom.
The party's national executive decided to support Babu in his case,
morally and materially, in spite of the fact that the ZANEWS was Babu's
personal news-sheet which was being financed by HSINHUA (Chinese
News Agency). Babu managed to get legal defence from the United Kingdom.
The advocate volunteered to defend Babu for nothing,. Hotel and out-of-pocket
expenses were met by Bibi Azza Muhammad, wife of Sh Ali Muhsin. She did
so in the name of the party.
To fulfill the government's plan to disrupt the party Babu
was sentenced to 18 months imprisonment. The party appealed against
the conviction and sentence in the High Court of Zanzibar and again in
the East African Court of Appeal. The appeals were dismissed in both cases,
and Babu completed his sentence.
BABU IS RELEASED
Having completed his sentence Babu was released from prison at ten o'clock
at night. It was all a hush hush affair, a most unusual precaution taken
by the government.
"BABU'S WEEK"
The ZNP in its joy for the release of its Secretary organized celebration
to welcome him back to society. The celebrations took two weeks, one in
Unguja and the second week in the island of Pemba. For the occasion the
party headquarters and all the branches were decorated with flags and multi-coloured
lights. Celebrations took the form of recitation of Maulid and Dhikr, dances
and a canoe regatta in the Zanzibar harbour. Babu was chaired by enthusiastic
nationalists while they sang: "We all love Babu". Babu's Week, the week
for the celebration of Babu's release, was capped by a party in the grounds
of Seyyid Khalifa Hall. After a week Babu went to Pemba where celebrations
equaled, and indeed rivaled, those in Unguja. In their joy the people of
Ziwani offered to adopt Babu as the candidate for their constituency in
the forthcoming election. This was a safe ZNP constituency.
BABU'S FINAL INTRIGUE
Babu returned from Pemba on Tuesday night at about 8 p.m. That very night
he met with the election committee of the party, headed by Muhammad Aboud
Mkandaa. The election committee handed Babu the list of candidates for
the coming election as selected by the constituencies of the island of
Unguja themselves. Babu then produced a similar list for the island of
Pemba. Among the proposed candidates was Babu himself. The election committee
was pleased to see how everything had gone so smoothly regarding the nomination
of candidates for both islands.
The next day, being Wednesday, the party executive met Babu. He gave
his report on his visit to Pemba. He informed his colleagues that Pemba
had chosen him to be the candidate for Ziwani. The executive was happy
with what had taken place in Pemba as reported by Babu. Then
Babu said: "Last night as soon as I arrived I had a meeting with the election
committee, and they handed me a list of candidates for Unguja as nominated
by the constituencies of Unguja."
Babu then went on: "As our party is seen by some people locally and
overseas that it is an Arab party I think we should make certain
changes in nominating candidates for the next election."
Babu continued saying: "The changes that I will bring forward are
meant for the good of the party." Babu began by proposing: "This
time Sh Ali Muhsin should be removed from Malindi and sent to Tumbatu,
and we should request Sh Nyakanga (who had been successfully contesting
Tumbatu) to stand down. To contest the Shangani constituency we should
send Sh Juma Aley. For the Nungwi constituency which he would thus vacate
we should nominate Muhsin Abeid. We should shift Amirali Abdulrasool
from Shangani to the Mlandege constituency, and Ibuni Saleh should leave
his constituency of Darajani and stand in the Kikwajuni constituency. We
should reserve the Bumbwni constituency for the FPTU, (Federation of Progressive
Trade Unions). The incumbent candidate Sheikh Haji Muhammadi should be
requested to stand down."
FPTU. was a small organization under Babu's control composed of his
cronies who posed as "Marxists". It was this ghost organization which
essentially turned out to be the so-called Umma Party when Babu and his
group formally defected from the ZNP.
The most surprising thing about these recommendations of Babu is
that it had been Babu himself and no other who had proposed to the
National Executive after the first election of 1957 that the power
to nominate candidates should be invested in the branches and constituencies
themselves. The National Executive was to have no power to override the
selection of candidates. It could only advise. That arrangement had long
ago been accepted, to the extent that it once happened that one candidate,
Rutti Bulsara, a member of the Executive, was turned down by his constituency,
and he in anger left the party. Now six years later the same Babu, without
consulting his colleagues, without first proposing that the former decision
be rescinded, comes out with proposals to dictate to the constituencies,
to the party as a whole, with his own list of nominations contrary to the
accepted system originally introduced by Babu himself!
Even more surprising was Babu's proposal that the party should strike
off the list of candidates two Tumbatu stalwarts, namely Sheikh Haji Muhammad
and Sheikh Nyakanga. Neither of these was an Arab. Was that likely to make
the party look more like being non-Arab? Certainly not! On the contrary
that would have certainly caused a rift, and the mass resignation of the
Tumbatu members from the party. The Tumbatus formed a substantial core
of the ZNP. They would have been completely disillusioned with the party's
aims, intents and policy. The ZNP would have lost not only the Tumbatu
constituencies but several others. That was the aim which would have
pleased the colonialist, Karume, Nyerere and Babu. Again one may well ask
what would be achieved by the removal of Juma Aley, of Arab descent, from
the rural north (Nungwi) and posting him in the stone town? Would that
indeed have made the party look less Arab? And what disastrous effect
would result from replacing Nyakanga by Ali Muhsin in Tumbatu! These
proposals of Babu were full of absurd contradictions. He must have thought
that his party colleagues were doting idiots like his cronies of FPTU.
The two weeks' celebrations and the childish song; "We all love Babu" for
his release had gone into his head.
After Babu had exploded his bombshell for two or three minutes there
was silence as if every member of the Executive had been paralyzed.
Individually and collectively all the members of the Executive were convinced
that if those proposals were to be adopted then the party would certainly
be defeated at the polls. Particularly so as the time for the candidates
to be officially registered was at hand. Also very limited was the time
thence to the election. Again, how was it likely to effect the credibility
of the leadership of the party if after having granted to the constituencies
the power to select their own candidates, that responsibility was to be
rudely and dictatorially removed from them without even the courtesy of
consultation? Would that not be anarchical?
The debate was heated. Except for Babu with two or three of his followers
accustomed to say "Yes Sir" to every word of Babu, everyone who spoke opposed
the proposals as ruinous to the interests of the party. When Babu saw the
overwhelming strength of opposition to his ideas, he asked that he be given
the opportunity to tour the branches of the party and explain to them his
suggestions. He said that he believed he would get full support from
the branches. He asked that the party should not choose his companions
on his tour, but would himself choose them..
Sheikh Muhammad Aboud Mkandaa, Chairman of the Election Committee,
stood up and told Babu: "This Party is not your property, nor is
it the property of anyone among us. We are the servants of the people.
Therefore your proposal will be taken into consideration. The Executive
Committee will also consider who should go with you. It is not for you
to decide who should accompany you." The words of Sheikh Muhammad Aboud
received general approval.
When by 9 o'clock at night no final decision had been reached the
meeting was adjourned to the next day when the National Executive would
meet at the Bwana Udi villa at Migombani. It was also agreed that
the party leader, Ali Muhsin and Babu should meet in the meantime to see
if any progress could be made, and then report the next day to the National
Executive.
The following day, Thursday, at the meeting of the National Executive
Babu said: "We are sorry we did not have adequate time for discussion
because of circumstances beyond our control. We are asking for more time.
Tomorrow, on Friday, we will present our report." This was approved. The
meeting was adjourned until the following day.
At that meeting on Friday Babu said: "Sheikh Ali and I met, and we
discussed the matter in length and with frankness. We have both agreed
that the proposals are commendable but that the time for the implementation
is limited. We should therefore postpone putting the proposals
into execution for future elections, not this one that is forthcoming.
I have asked Sheikh Ali, and he did not turn down my request, that we should
put our young man, Abdul-Razak Musa (Kwacha) on the Tumbatu constituency.
Sheikh Ali has suggested that I bring the matter here for your approval."
The Executive Committee breathed a sigh of relief and felt that a
heavy burden had been removed from their back. The Chairman of the meeting,
Deputy President Maalim Zaid Mbaruk said: "Before discussing this matter
I would first like to know the reaction of Sheikh Nyakanga himself, for
it is he who has been chosen by the people of Tumbatu to represent them."
Sheikh Nyakanga replied: "I did not join the party in order to seek
any appointment. But I am not able to say that I leave the seat for Sheikh
Abdul Razak, for the seat is not mine. As far as I am concerned I am prepared
to leave the seat, but if I did so here and now I would be disregarding
those who asked me to be their representative. I propose that a delegation
to be chosen here should go with me to Tumbatu to pass the night there
and have enough time to meet with the elders and youths of Tumbatu
and thrash the matter out with them. The decision will be theirs. I will
do my best to make my brothers and children of Tumbatu understand what
is required of them."
After Nyakanga had had his say there arose Sheikh Khamis of Bumbwini
which was part of the Tumbatu constituency. He said: "Brothers, I am a
Mtumbatu and I am fully acquainted with the feelings of my fellow Watumbatu
regarding this election and regarding their candidate Mzee Nyakanga. If
Mzee Nyakanga is to be removed from contesting the election for the Tumbatu
constituency, then I swear to God that even if we send the leader Sh Ali
Muhsin in his place, we shall certainly lose that seat. That seat is hotly
contested by the ZNP and ASP. I urge that Sh Nyakanga should not be replaced
at this juncture."
Silence reigned for some time. No one spoke and everyone was thinking
hard. Babu was the one who broke the silence.
He said: "I see everyone is quiet. This is an indication that what
Sheikh Khamis has said has received general approval. Therefore I see no
point in wasting more time. I am going away now. We shall meet again Sunday
morning."
Babu left the meeting. The chairman of the meeting urged him to stay
and continue with the discussion more calmly, but he totally refused and
left the meeting. The Executive Committee continued to discuss the Tumbatu
seat after Babu had left in anger. The Chairman Maalim Zaid Mbaruk requested
Ali Muhsin to try again to meet Babu and seek a solution with him over
the matter for the good of the Party.
On Sunday from eight in the morning party leaders, men and
women, from all the constituencies in the island of Unguja began
pouring into the open grounds of Bwana Udi's villa. At that party
conference each constituency was to affirm its choice to the National Executive.
When Babu arrived he addressed the conference thus: "I would like
to inform you, my fellow countrymen, that today I have decided to leave
my party., the Zanzibar Nationalist Party. I would also like to ask the
forgiveness of the people of Ziwani Pemba who so kindly selected me to
be their candidate. I accepted the offer but because of the circumstances
that followed I have no alternative but to ask their to excuse me.
I have decided to leave the party because I have found out that my
colleagues have no faith in me, to the extent that they collaborated with
the colonialists to put me in prison for eighteen months. After my release
they planted members of the Youths' Own Union, YOU, to spy on me wherever
I went, and to report to them everything I did or said. Why has all this
come about? I fail to understand. Only lately after my return from Pemba
I presented certain recommendations to the National Executive regarding
the selection of candidates for the forthcoming elections. I put forward
those recommendations for the good of our Party. Unfortunately my colleagues
without serious consideration turned down those recommendations. For fear
of creating discord and tug-o-war I decided to shelve those recommendations,
but begged my colleagues to nominate Sheikh Abdul Razak Kwacha for the
Tumbatu seat. Even that was totally opposed for all sorts of reasons. Because
of all this I have made up my mind to quit the party which pays no attention
to its secretary and its leader. As from today I bid you goodbye."
Babu came down and was on the point of leaving when the Chairman
of the Mkunani constituency, Sheikh Muhammad Othman, stood up and asked
Babu not to depart yet.
Sheikh Muhammad said: "We have heard Babu, but as most of us are
not members of the National Executive all that he said is completely
strange to us. I would like to request the leader Sheikh Ali Muhsin in
his capacity as the party leader and indeed as the one whom we see as very
close to Babu, to come forward and explain to us what all the problem is
about, so that we may then be able to offer what contribution we can."
Sheikh Ali then stood up and said: "Today is one of the toughest
in my life. For it never occurred to me that there would ever come a day
when I would hear my brother Babu say the things that he has said just
now. What enormity is there between Babu and us that we should collaborate
with the colonialists to put him in prison? Babu is well aware that the
government as we have it at present is incapable of doing anything of importance.
He knows full well that his imprisonment is merely a step to weaken our
Party. I never expected that a man like him would be so duped.
The colonialists have all along been seeking for ways to bring about friction
between Babu and the rest of us. They used every trick in the trade, and
they failed. When they got the opportunity presented by the article written
in his news-sheet ZANEWS, the article that the colonialists interpreted
as being libelous they charged Babu personally, and not the Party.
In spite of that the Party fully supported and backed Babu morally and
materially. What surprises me is that Babu is so openly going back on the
very principles that he and all of us together established, the principles
of democracy. Leaders are not the ones to decide and dictate; they
are to teach and guide. It is the people themselves who can make decisions.
Today that the people have decided with regard to the choice of their proposed
candidates, he is infuriated and wants to leave the party, allegedly because
the people have not obeyed him or me.!"
After Sheikh Ali had given that speech silence prevailed for some
time. There then stood up a young man, among those who call themselves
"progressives", Mr. Kadiria Mnyeji. He said: "My elders and my brothers,
I beg you to appreciate that the recommendations put forward by Babu regarding
the nomination of candidates for election are for the good of the Party.
This election will be crucial. We need to have people who have the capacity
to confront the colonialists face to face. Our elders have already accomplished
their task. Now is the time for the young."
There was pandemonium. Kadiria found himself being pulled by his
shirt and forced to descend from the platform. There and then the elderly
among those present, particularly from the rural constituencies, saw the
light, and realized that the whole game was to oust them from political
activity. "And so you think that we, the elders, are now useless!"
some said openly.
The situation was ugly. Everyone was heated. When the atmosphere
had cooled down somewhat some of the elders took Babu aside and remonstrated
with him. The Tumbatu elders appealed to him: "We beg you now to let Mzee
Nyakanga stand, and we guarantee that the Tumbatu seat will be ours.
Having won his seat after two or three sittings of the National Assembly
Mzee Nyakanga will resign and you bring forward anybody you want to take
his place. We promise you we will vote for him just as much as we shall
do for Nyakanga."
Babu said; "I have heard". He kept quiet, and then went up the platform
to address the conference saying: "The elders have given me their opinion
regarding my recommendations. They have asked me to change my stand, but
I am sorry I cannot do so. And now, Goodbye!" Babu then came down
and left the conference followed by a handful of his retinue who did not
even fill the small van that took them out.
For a time there was dead silence, you could hear a pin drop. Everyone
saw danger ahead, the certainty that the ZNP would be defeated in the election
which was shortly coming. Then the President of the Party, Sheikh
Vuwai Kitoweo spoke: "If there is any among us who joined this Party in
order to follow Babu, then you have heard and have seen Babu in front of
your own eyes that he has left the Party. Hence he who has followed Babu
into the Party and wants to follow him out he is not prevented. As for
him who joined the Party believing in the Party's ideals and its aim of
struggling for the Freedom of our country and our people, then the ZNP
is here and is HAY (ALIVE) and will continue to be HAY (ALIVE) for ever!"
The speech of the President galvanized everybody. A new determination
pervaded the whole conference. Everyone realized how vital it was to stand
firm together especially as the election was only shortly going to be held.
Then the Party Conference went ahead with its programme as if nothing untoward
had happened. All business was conducted as usual and as planned.
This was really what took place and precipitated the resignation
of Babu from the Party. All other is merely speculation or deliberate fabrication
by those who have their own axes to grind. Babu did not and has not until
today been able to give the exact reasons for his defection. Neither has
he been able to justify his reason for joining forces with the most reactionary
and most chauvinistic party in the whole of East Africa to overthrow a
legitimately and democratically elected government.
WHAT WERE BABU'S REAL MOTIVES?
As I have already mentioned, Babu had his own personal motives which he
dreamt he would be able to achieve by utilizing the Party. When he felt
rebuffed in all his attempts, then in desperation he decided to bring about
a palace coup within the party at that most crucial time. Babu was
deluded by his hangers-on during his imprisonment. They had been feeding
him on fabricated stuff against the Party leadership, and that all
the people in the Party were behind him.
"Whatever you decide after your release" they told him, "the whole
mass will follow. If you decide to leave the Party, then the mass will
leave. If you remain they will remain."
On coming out of prison seeing the tremendous ovation of the people
in their jubilation for the release of their Secretary, Babu became convinced
that what he had been fed on by his cronies while in prison was indeed
true. There was a joint plot between the self-styled "progressives" in
ZNP and those in ASP to cooperate after winning their seats to present
a motion of confidence which would bring down the government. That
would present the opportunity for the leftist elements to form their own
"progressive" government. Such an outcome would please China which
was paying Babu a salary only a little short of that which the Sultan was
receiving. Babu was receiving 15,000 Shillings a month, and the Sultan
20,000.
When Babu failed to achieve his aim he decided to leave the Party
expecting that the mass of the Party would follow him. When he saw that
that did not happen he decided to form his own party and called it Umma
Party i.e. the People's Party. When that floundered it was then that
he had no alternative but to join forces with the Afro-Shirazi Party, the
party that he had always castigated as a reactionary, fascistic party,
a party of thugs, a creation of the imperialists. Babu then associated
with alien freebooters like John Okello, Mfaranyaki and others in
the invasion of his country, and overthrew the democratically elected government.
He did all this hoping that he was thus fulfilling the dictates of his
masters, namely to take the country to the camp of the so-called "progressives".
Here again Babu lost his final card. He did not fulfill his mission.
At the time of the scramble for Zanzibar, it was Mwalimu Nyerere,
astute as he was and with his claws sharper than any, was the one who came
out the winner. Neither Karume nor Babu came out victorious. Nor indeed
did the ASP.